Ireland in 1750, as now, was a land of lush grass and many cows. But then, the wealth of it was in the hands of a sophisticated elite who wanted to live and dress as London did, whatever the cost: an elite of Protestant landlords, officials, and lawyers, with some rising Catholic merchants pushing to join the party. The mass of the people were very poor, living upon potatoes and whiskey in mud cabins (tea and beer had yet to come as cheap drinks). Catholic and Irish-speaking, they expected little from their masters: “Twenty poor families, who never taste fresh meat, might be comfortably supplied with as much Beef and Butter as has been exported to purchase a Headdress for a Lady” commented an angry Dublin journalist in 1737. A demoralised and defeated people, who hung their heads, said another.

 

General George Washington General Richard Irvine Charles Thomson General Richard Butler Matthew Thornton Adj. General Edward Hand Commodore John Barry General John Shee General Stephen Moylan Major James McHenry Thomas Lynch Major General John Sullivan Charles Carroll General Richard Montgomery

The portrait of George Washington and thirteen of his senior officers or signers (by Laurence O'Toole, Md.) was commisioned by Robert D Stewart of New York. It was reproduced in "Ireland of the Welcomes" by kind permission of Mr. Stewart, a great-great-great grandson of Brigadier General William Thompson. Edward Hand and Charles Carrol are of particular to us in Offaly.

America’s colonies were another world. Much ruder and simpler than today, of course: with independent small farmers living largely on salt pork, corn mash breads and porridges, and also whiskey; but the needs of these men could be met by fresh exertion and new land:

The prospects were almost breath-taking, once things were organised. America, too, had its wealthy: planters and merchants, who also aimed at London style; but their wealth was not based upon privilege and exploitation, but rather upon constructive business. . .if one excepts those relying upon slavery. In Ireland, the rich eventually took it for granted that the debased character of the people was their own fault, rather than the result of poverty and oppression. One Lord Roden hoped for the extermination of a million or two of the native poor, “disgraces to humanity”. In America, on the other hand, the prejudices of the privileged gave way before the evidence of their own eyes, as simple men transformed a continent, so that it could become “self-evident” that all men were equal. “Americans were a mass of husbandmen, merchants, mechanics and fishermen; but the necessities of the country gave a spring to the active powers of the inhabitants, and set them on thinking, speaking and acting, in a line far beyond that to which they had been accustomed”, admitted David Ramsay, a South Carolina physician. He concluded: “The difference between nations is not so much owing to nature as to education and circumstances.”

A common base — the British Empire

Yet, so different seem Ireland and America in 1750, where can we begin to connect them? In the beginning, of course, we were both of us — Irishmen and Americans — part of the same political empire, that of the Englishman. For over 200 years, the American adopted and suited to himself the Englishman’s political habits, his language, his common and commercial law, his business practices, his industrial technology; even his fashions in poetry and the arts, in sermons (with some acknowledgment to the Scots) and in journalism. Americans were largely too busy, argues Daniel Boorstin, to waste the energies needed to build a continent in throwing away basic lessons the English had already mastered for them: so, only when their industrial civilisation surpassed England’s in scale (after the 1860’s), did the Americans begin the systematic innovation which, by 1944, would completely reverse the situation, with the English learning in all these fields from America.

Some of the IRISH with WASHINGTON

1. General George Washington.
2. Richard Irvine was born in Enniskillen, Co Fermanagh. A surgeon by profession, after a period in the British Navy he set up practice in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. He was assigned command of the Pennsylvania regiment at Monmouth, NJ, and was later in command of Fort Pitt.
3. Charles Thomson was Secretary of the Continental Congress during the Revolution, and was the author of the original draft of the Declaration of Independence. Born in Co Derry.
4. Richard Butler came from Dublin and set up as an Indian agent. He rose to the rank of Brigadier General in the Continental Army. After the war he returned to his Indian activities where he met his death.
5. Matthew Thornton from Limerick, practised medicine in Londonderry N.H., before taking several important State posts. He sat in the Continental Congress and was the signatory for Pennsylvania of the Declaration of Independence.
6. Edward Hand, another medical man, practiced in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Born in Co Offaly, he rose to brevet Major General in the American Army and also sat in Congress.
7. John Barry, 'father of the American Navy', is probably the most celebrated figure of all. He was born in Tacumshane, Co Wexford. He it was who captured the tender “Edward” — the first seizure of a British warship by a regularly commissioned American cruiser. As a commodore he became renowned as a trainer of naval officers.
8. John Shee from Co Meath commanded the Pennsylvania Line, one of the most effective combat outfits of the Revolutionary war. These troops came largely from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Delaware, and included a large number of Irish volunteers.
9. Stephen Moylan from Cork was Washington’s secretary and aide-de-camp, and later Quartermaster General of the Continental Army. With his red waistcoat, buckskin breeches and bright green coat he brought a touch of colour to the cavalry.
10. James McHenry from Ballymena, Co Antrim, left his mark as surgeon, military man and political figure, and is commemorated by name in Fort McHenry at Baltimore. He served as secretary of war under both George Washington and John Adams.
11. Thomas Lynch (of Galway stock) was an Attorney and planter in South Carolina. He was a member of the Second Continental Congress and was the youngest signatory to the Declaration.
12. John Sullivan who countersigned the Washington order was the son of a Corkman. The first President once wrote of him that he had “a little tincture of vanity but along with it military genius.”
13. Charles Carroll of Carrollton signed for Maryland. Grandson of a Co. Offaly O’Carroll, he acquired huge land holdings and was active in canal and road construction. He died in 1842, the last surviving signatory of the Declaration of Independence.
14. Richard Montgomery was slain in the assault on Quebec in December 1775. Initially fighting with the British against the French, he was converted to the American cause and led the forces which captured Montreal. Montgomery County is named in his honour.

    Reproduced courtesy of Ireland of the Welcomes
    Vol. 25 no.1, January – February 1976

Freeman noted that Wesley generally visited Ireland in the late Spring and stayed for 2 or 3 months; making what was in those days, the perilous journey across the Irish Sea. Wesley was born in 1703 and died in 1795 and was the fifteenth child of Samuel Wesley. Soon after being ordained, he went to Georgia (1735) On the boat, he met a party of German Moravians and after discussions began to have a more earnest view of the importance of evangelical doctrine. Wesley's mission to Georgia was not successful and he returned to England in 1738. His 'conversion' is dated to this time and following the example of George Whitefield (1714 - 70), the originator of Methodism, he began his open-air preaching of which he did much across his 'parish' which was effectively England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland. The DNB noted that his journal of missionary travel would serve as a guide book to the British Isles. To the last he continued to travel and is said to have preached 40,000 sermons and travelled 250,000 miles.

Wesley made his first trip to Ireland in 1747 and stayed for a short time. He returned again in 1748 arriving via Holyhead to Blackrock. 'I began preaching at five in the morning an unheard of thing in Ireland'. The membership of the Society was near 400 as much as in 1747. After preaching at Marlborough Street, and Ship Street in Dublin he rode directly to Daingean, then called to Philipstown, the shire town of the county but already in a state of decay. He was to spend almost a month in the Midlands on his first extended stay in the country. He notes in the Journal:
Philipstown, Wednesday, 30th March 1748: I rode to Philip's Town, the shire-town of the King's County. I was obliged to go into the street, which was soon filled with those who flocked from every side: to whom I declared "Jesus Christ, our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption".

Thurs. 31st: One would have dissuaded me from preaching at five, being sure none would rise so soon. But I kept my hour, and had a large and serious congregation. After preaching I spoke severally to those of the Society, of whom forty were troopers. At noon I preached to (I think) the largest congregation I had seen since I came from Builth. God did then make a clear offer of eternal life to all the inhabitants of Philip's Town. But how few retained these good impressions one week, or would effectually "come to Him, that they might have life"?

In the evening I preached at Tullamore to most of the inhabitants of the town. Abundance of them came again at five in the morning. But he that endureth to the end shall be saved.

Fri. April 1st: I preached at Clara, to a vast number of well-behaved people; although some of them came in their coaches, and were (I was informed) of the best quality in the country. How few of these would have returned empty, if they had heard the word of God, not out of curiosity merely, but from a real desire to know and do his will?

In the evening I preached at Temple-Macqueteer, and again at five in the morning. About one (Saturday, 2d, April 1748) we came to Moat, the pleasantest town I have yet seen in Ireland. Here I preached to a handful of serious people, and then hastened on to Athlone. At six I preached from the window of an unfinished house opposite to the Market-House, (which would not have contained one half of the congregation,) on, "Ye know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ." I scarce ever saw a better behaved, or more attentive congregation. Indeed so civil a people as the Irish in general, I never saw either in Europe or America.

Sun. 3rd April 1748: I preached at five to, at least three hundred healers. I walked from thence to see a poor woman that was sick, about a mile from the town: about an hundred and fifty people ran after me. After I had prayed with the sick person, being unwilling so many people should go empty away, I chose a smooth, grassy place near the road, where we all kneeled down to prayer, after which we sung a psalm, and I gave them a short exhortation. At eleven, we went to church and heard a plain, useful sermon. At two, I preached on the Connaught side of the bridge, where there are only (they informed me) five or six families of Protestants. Such a company of people (many said had never before been seen together at Athlone; many coming from all the country round, and (for the present) receiving the word with joy. I preached again at six in the same place, and to nearly the same (only a little larger) congregation: the greater part whereof (notwithstanding the prohibition of their Priests) I afterward found were Papists.

Mon. 4. I preached once more at five; and a great part of the congregation was in tears. Indeed almost all the town appeared to be moved,, full of goodwill and desires of salvation. But the waters spread too wide to be deep. I found not one under any strong conviction, much less had any one attained the knowledge of salvation, in hearing above thirty sermons. So that as yet no judgement could be formed of the future work of God in this place. I took horse at ten, and about twelve preached at Moat to all the larger congregation than before. I could not but observe the zeal of these young disciples; the were vehemently angry at a man's throwing a cabbage-stalk. Let them keep their courage till they see such a sight as that at Walsal, or Shepton.

In the evening I preached at Tyrrell's Pass, and found great enlargement of heart. But when the Society met, I was quite exhausted; so that I dismissed them, after a short exhortation.

Tues. 5, April 1748. Our room was filled at five. After preaching I examined the Classes. I found a surprising openness among them. When I asked one in particular, "How he had lived in time past? " he spread abroad his hands, and said, with many tears, "hear I stand, a grey-headed monster of all manner of wickedness;" which I verily believe, had it been desired, he would have explained before them all. Much in the same manner spoke one who came from Connaught, but with huge affliction and dismay: we determined to wrestle with God in her behalf, which we did for above and hour: and he heard the prayer, so that her soul was filled with joy unspeakable. Mr. Jonathan Handy, greatly sorrowing before, was also now enabled to rejoice in God; and four other persons were cut to the heart, and cried aloud to Him that is mighty to save Wes. 6, April 1748.

I baptised seven persons educated among the Quakers. In the afternoon we rode to Philip's Town, but the scene was changed. The curiosity of the people was satisfied, and few of them cared to hear any more. As soon as I mounted my horse, he began to snort and run backward without any visible cause. One whipped him behind, and I before, but it profited nothing: he leaped to an fro, from side to side, till he came over against a gateway, into which he ran backward, and tumbled head over heels. I rose unhurt. He then went on quietly.

RICH AND POOR PRAY TOGETHER

At Tullamore, in the evening, well nigh all the town, rich and poor, were gathered together. I used great plainness of speech in applying those words: "All have sinned, and come short of the glory of God." The next day, being Good Friday, I preached at five, to a large and serious congregation. Between one and two, I preached at Clara, and then rode to Athlone. I preached at six, on, "Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and after that to enter into his glory?" So general a drawing I never knew among any people, so that as yet none even seems to oppose the truth.

Sat.9, April 1748 I preached in Connaught, a few miles from Athlone. Many heard; but I doubt felt nothing. The Shannon comes within a mile of the house where I preached. I think there is not such another river in Europe: it is here ten or twelve miles over, though scarce thirty miles from its fountain-head. There are many islands in it, once well inhabited, but now mostly desolate. In almost every one is the ruins of a church: in one, the remains of no less than seven. I fear God hath still a controversy with this land, because it is defiled with blood.

April 10, 1748. Easter-day. Never was such a congregation seen before at the Sacrament in Athlone. I preached at three. Abundance of papists flocked to hear; so that the Priest, seeing his command did not avail, came in person at six, and drove them away before him like a flock of sheep.

Mon. 11, April 1748. I preached at five the terrors of the Lord, in the strongest manner I was able. But still they who are ready to eat up every word, do not appear to digest any part of it.

In the evening there appeared more emotion in the congregation than ever I had seen before. But it was in a manner I never saw: not in one here and there, but in all. Perhaps God is working here in a way we have not known, going on with a slow and even motion through the whole body of the people, that they may all remember themselves and be turned unto the Lord.

Tues. 12, April 1748. I rode to Clara, where I was quickly informed, that there was to begin in an hour's time a famous cock-fight, to which almost all the country was coming from every side. Hoping to engage some part of them in a better employ, I began preaching in the street as soon as possible. One or two hundred stopped, and listened awhile, and pulled off their hats, and forgot their division.

The congregation at Tullamore in the evening was larger than ever before, and deep attention sat on every face. Toward the latter end of the sermon, there began a violent storm of hail. I desired the people to cover their heads, but the greater part of them would not; nor did any one go away till I concluded my discourse.

Wednesday 13th April 1748: I preached in the evening at Tyrrel's Pass. The congregation here also was larger than ever; and the word of God seemed to take deeper root here than in any other part of this country.

Thursday 14th April 1748: The house was full at five. In the evening many of the neighbouring gentlemen were present, but none mocked. That is not the custom here; all attend to what is spoken in the name of God: they do not understand the making sport with sacred things; so that whether they approve or no, they behave with seriousness.

Friday 15th April 1748:. I rode to Edinderry. Abundance of people were quickly gathered together. Having been disturbed in the night by Mr. Swindells, who lay with me and had a kind of apoplectic fit, I was not at all well about noon, when I began to preach in a large walk, on one side of the town, and the sun shone hot upon my head, which had been aching all the day: but I forgot this before I had spoken long, and when I had finished my discourse, I left all my weariness and pain behind, and rode on in perfect health to Dublin.

The first trip to the Midlands lasted from 30th March 1748, to 15th April or just two weeks. After a stay of some two weeks in Dublin he was back again in the Midlands riding from Dublin via Kinnegad for a stay from 29th April to 14th May 1748.

Thursday, April 28th 1748: Between one and two we came to Kinnegad. My strength was now pretty well exhausted; so that when we mounted again, after resting an hour, it was as much as I could do to sit my horse. We had near eleven Irish (measured) miles to ride, which are equal to fourteen English. I got over them pretty well in three hours, and by six reached Tyrrel's Pass.

At seven I recovered my strength, so as to preach and meet the Society, which began now to be at a stand, with regard to number, but not with regard to the grace of God.

Friday, 29th April 1748: I rode to Temple-Macqueteer, and thence toward Athlone. We came at least an hour before we were expected. Nevertheless we were met by many of our brethren. The first I saw, about two miles from the town, were a dozen little boys running with all their might, some bare-headed, some bare-footed and bare-legged: so they had their desire of speaking to me first the others being still behind.

Saturday, 30th April 1748: I found the roaring lion began to shake himself here also. Some Papists and two to three good Protestant families were cordially joined together, to oppose the work of God; but they durst not yet do it openly, the steam running so strong against them.

Sunday, May 1st 1748: Great part of the town was present at five, and, I found, began to feel what was spoken. Yet still the impression is not make, as in other places, on one here and there only, but the main body of the hearers seem to go on together with an even pace.

About two I preached on the Connnaught side of the bridge, to an attentive multitude both of Protestants and Papists: whose Priest, perceiving he profited nothing, at five came himself. I preached on "Is there no balm in Gilead?" and could not help applying to the Papists in particular. I am satisfied many of them were almost persuaded to give themselves up to the great Physician of souls.

Tuesday, 3rd May 1748: I rode to Birr, twenty miles from Athlone; and , the key of the Sessions-House not being to be found, declared " The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ" in the street, to a dull, rude, senseless multitude. Many laughed the greater part of the time. Some went away just in the middle of a sentence. And yet when one cried our, (a Carmelite friar, clerk to the Priest,) "You lie, you lie;" the zealous Protestants cried out, "Knock him down." And it was no sooner said than done. I saw some bustle, but knew not what was the matter, till the whole was over.

In the evening we rode to Balliboy. There being no house that could contain the congregation, I preached here also in the street. I was afraid, in a new place, there would be but few in the morning; but there was a considerable number, and such a blessing as I had scarce found since I landed in Ireland.

Wednesday, 4th May 1748: I rode to Clara, and preached to a small company, who were not afraid of a stormy day. I spent half and hour after sermon with a few serious people, and them rode to Tullamore.

One who looks on the common Irish cabins, might imagine Saturn still reigned here: -

". . . . . . . . . . . Cum frigida parvas Praeberet spelunca domos; ignemque laremque Et pecus et dominos communi clauderet umbra."

Communi umbr indeed; for no light can come into the earth or straw-built cavern, on the master and his cattle, but at one hole, which is both window, chimney, and door.

Thursday, 5th May 1748: Though my flux [diarrhoea] continually increased, (which was caused by my eating a bad egg at Birr,) yet I was unwilling to break to break my word, and so made shift to ride in the afternoon to Mountmelick. I had not seem such a congregation before,since I set out from Dublin; and the greater part did not stand like stocks and stones, but seemed to understand what I spake,of worshipping God "in spirit and in truth."

Friday, 6th May 1748: More people came at five than I had seen at that hour in any part of Ireland; and I found my heart so moved towards them, that in spite of weakness and pain, I enforced, for more than an hour, those solemn words: "The Kingdom of God is at hand; repent ye, and believe the Gospel."

Hence I rode to Philip's Town, [Daingean] a poor, dry, barren place. I pray God the first may not be last. Saturday, 7th May 1748: I set out in the morning, and after resting two hours at Tullamore, and two or three more at Moat, I rode on to Athlone, and preached at six, on, "He healeth them that are broken in heart." I felt no weariness or pain till I had done speaking, but them found I could not meet the Society, being ill able to walk the length of the room; but God gave me refreshing sleep.

Sunday, 8th May 1748: I preached at five, though I could not well stand. I then set out for Aghrim [Aughrim], in the county of Galway, thirteen Connaught, i.e. Yorkshire, miles from Athlone. The morning prayers, so called, began about twelve; ;after which we had a warm sermon against enthusiasts. I could not have come at a better time; for I began immediately after, and all that were in the church, high and low, rich and poor, stopped to hear me. In explaining the inward kingdom of God, I had a fair occasion to consider what we had just heard; and God renewed my strength, and, I trust, applied his word to the hears of most of the hearers.

Mr. S., a neighbouring Justice of Peace, as soon as I had done, desired me to dine with him; after dinner I hastened back to Athlone, and began preaching about six: five Clergymen were of the audience, and abundance of Romanists: such an opportunity I never had before in these parts.

Athlone

Monday, 9th May 1748: Having not had an hour's sound sleep from the time I lay down till I rose, I was in doubt whether I could preach or not; however, I went to the Marketplace, as usual, and found no want of strength, till I had fully declared " the redemption that is in Jesus Christ." I had designed afterwards to settle the Society thorughly, but I was not able to sit up so long.

Many advised me not to go out at night, the wind being extremely cold and blustering; but I could in no wise consent to spare myself at such a time as this. I preached on, "Come unto me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden;" and I found myself at least as well when I had done as I was before I begun.

Tuesday, 10th May 1748: With much difficulty I broke away from this immeasurably - loving people , and not so soon as I imagined neither; for when we drew near to the turnpike, about a mile from the town , a multitude waited for us at the top of the hill. They fell back on each side, to make us way, and then joined and closed us in : after singing two or three verses, I put forward, when on a sudden I was a little surprised, by such a cry of men , women, and children, as I never heard before. Yet a little while, and we shall meet, to part no more; and sorrow and sighing shall flee away for ever.

Instead of going straight to Tullamore, I could not be easy without going round by Coolylough [near Kilbeggan]: I knew not why; for I did not know then that Mr. Handy's wife who had been brought to bed a few day's, had an earnest desire to see me once more before I left the kingdom. She could not avoid praying for it, though her sister checked her again and again, telling her, "It could not be." Before the debate was concluded, I came in : so they wondered and praised God .

In the evening I preached at Tullamore, and at five in the morning; I was then glad to lie down. In the afternoon, Wednesday the 11th, I rode once more to Mountmelick. The congregation , both in the evening and the next morning , was larger than before.

After preaching, a grey-headed man came to me, bitterly lamenting that he had lived many years without knowing that he had need of a physician. Immediately came another, who had been a harmless man as any in the town; he would have spoke, but could not . I then spoke to him; but not two minutes before he sunk to the ground : so I perceived I had not spent my little strength here, "as one that beateth the air.

After this his second trip to the Midlands Wesley left for Dublin and directly back to Wales. It seems clear that the roots of the Society in Ireland were in the towns and villages of Offaly and Westmeath. The Reverend Dudley Cooney in his unpublished A History of Methodism in Tullamore, a typescript of sixteen pages completed c. 1988 states that:
'Most of the early Methodists belonged to the lower classes of society, but some of the gentry were influenced, and among those was a lady whose name has been obscured in Methodist history behind the cryptonym "Mrs. M.". She had been a Miss Bertrand, and her sister Ruth was married to a young land owner from County Westmeath called Samuel Handy.

The first of the Handy family to come to Ireland did so as a lieutenant in the Cromwellian army. After the campaign he chose to remain in Ireland, and his family acquired a small estate at Coolalough and Bracca in the parish of Ardnurcher, not far from the present village of Horseleap. At the time of Wesley's visit to Dublin Samuel Handy, the lieutenant's grandson, was forty-three years of age. He was alarmed by the news that his sister was associating with the Methodists, for both religious and social reasons, and hurried to Dublin to discourage her. She was a woman of some force of character, and persuaded her brother-in-law not to condemn the Methodists unheard. He agreed to attend a Methodist meeting at Dolphin's Barn on the outskirts of Dublin, where the preacher on that occasion was a young Yorkshireman, Paul Greenwood from Haworth. Mrs. M. invited Greenwood to breakfast on the following morning and sermon and discussion persuaded Samuel Handy. He invited Greenwood and his colleagues to visit Coolalough.

Using the Handy house at Coolalough as their base the Methodist preachers within a year had established societies at Templemacateer, Tyrrellspass, Philipstown, Moate, Athlone and Tullamore. Before returning to England in 1748 Charles Wesley paid his only visit to Coolalough. Between March and May of 1748 John Wesley was back in Ireland, and toured the new societies in the midlands. When he came for the first time to Coolalough in May Ruth Handy was still in bed after the birth of a baby. The fate of this baby is not recorded, but in 1751 she had a son, who eventually succeeded his father at Coolalough. This child was called Samuel Wesley, his names honouring his father and the evangelist.'

Of the Handy family a short history by Hy Fitzgerald Reynolds, was published in Notes and Queries (21st March 1942, pages 160 - 162). Cooney goes on to state that the British Conference of the Society in the same year (1748) divided Ireland into four "circuits" based in Dublin, Tullamore, Tyrrellspass and Athlone - a circuit being a group of Methodist Societies under the care of one or more Methodist preachers. He further states that these four circuits do not appear to have functioned as such and when fifteen years later the county was divided into seven circuits, Tullamore was included in the Athlone circuit.

1749

John Wesley was back in Ireland in 1749 for his third visit to the country and the second to the Midlands. He arrived at Holyhead on Wednesday, 12th April 1749 only to find at first no ships available and then no wind. He eventually boarded ship on 15th April but got caught in a storm. In his diary he noted:
Saturday, 15th April 1749: We went on board at six, the wind then standing due east. But no sooner were we out of the harbour, than it turned south-west and blew a storm. Yet we made forward, and about one o'clock came within two or three leagues of land. The wind then wholly failed; a calm suddenly following a storm, produced such a motion as I never felt before. But it was not long before the wind sprung up west, which obliged us to stand away for the Skerries. When we wanted a league of shore it fell calm again, so that there we rolled about till past sunset. But in the night we got back into Dublin-Bay, and landed soon after three at Dunlary [Dun Laoghaire], about seven English miles from the city. Leaving William Tucker to follow me in a chaise, I walked straight away, and came to Skinner's Alley, a little before the time of preaching.....

Wesley noted that membership of the Society had increased from 400 to 449 over the year 1748 - 49. Suffering the effects of a cold and a swelling in his cheek he applied boiled nettles to take away the pain and warm treacle to reduce the swelling. Two weeks after his arrival he rode to Tyrellspass and later to Edenderry, Mountmellick, Tullamore and Clara between the 29th April and the 7th May. After a stay in Aughrim and later he was in Birr (11th May 1749):

Saturday, 29th April 1749: I rode to Tyrrel's Pass and preached in the evening, and on Sunday morning and evening.

Monday, 1st May 1749: I preached at five in the evening at Edinderry, to an exceedingly well-behaved congregation. I preached at five in the morning, (many Quakers being present,) on "Ye shall be all taught of God." In the evening I preached at Mountmelick.

Wednesday, 3rd May 1749: I preached at Tullamore.

Thursday, 4th May 1749: At Clara about noon, and in the evening at Athlone. I never saw so large a congregation here on a week-day before; among whom were many of the soldiers, (the remains of the regiment wherein John Nelson was,) and seven or eight of the officers. They all behaved well, and listened with deep attention.

This day, and the next, I endeavoured to see all who were weary and faint in their minds. Most of them, I found, had not been used with sufficient tenderness. Who is there that sufficiently weighs the advice of Kempis? "Noli duriter agere cum tentato;" 'Deal not harshly with one that is tempted.'

Sunday, 7th May 1749: I preached (as usual) at five and at three, with the spirit of convincing speech. The Rector preached in the afternoon (though it is called the morning service,) a close useful Sermon, on the fear of God. At five I had great numbers of the poor Papists, (as well as Protestants,) maugre all the labour of their Priests. I called aloud, "Ho! Every one that thirsteth, come ye to the waters; and he that hath no money!" Strange news to them, one of whom had declared frankly, but a few days before, "I would fain be with you, but I dare not: for now I have all my sins forgiven for four shillings a year; and this could not be in your church."

We had a triumphant hour when the Society met. Several captives were set at liberty: one of these was Mr. Joseph Ch-----. He had been an eminent man many years for cursing, swearing, drinking, and all kinds of fashionable wickedness. On Monday last he had rode fifteen miles to Tyrrel's Pass, and came thither before five in the morning. He was immediately convinced, and followed me in from the preaching. I was then examining a Class. The words cut him to the heart. He came after me to Athlone, (when he had settled some temporal business,) having his eyes continually filled with tears, and being scarce able either to eat, drink or sleep. But God now wiped away the tears from his eyes; and he returned to his house, to declare what things God had wrought.

Monday, 8th May 1749: I rode to Aghrim [Aughrim], where the face of things was quite changed since the time I was there before. Here was now a serious congregation from all the country round. I preached about seven, and afterwards explained the nature and use of a Society. The first who desired to join therein was Mr. S., his wife, and daughter.

Tuesday, 9th May 1749: I rode to Ahaskra, six miles south, at the desire of Mr. G., the Rector. As the Papists durst not come into the church, I preached before Mr. Glass's door. I should not have imagined this was the first time of their hearing this preaching, so fixed and earnest was their attention. In the morning, Wednesday, 10th, I think the congregation was larger than in the evening; among whom was the Rector of a neighbouring parish, who seemed then to be much athirst after righteousness.

Mr. Wade, of Aghrim, rode with me hence to Eyre-Court about fourteen miles from Ahaskra. Here I preached in the market-house, a large handsome room, to a well-behaved congregation. [Probably still standing in this fornlorn village with such gems of architecture. Lewis (1837, vol i. page 23) states that Ahascragh had 851 inhabitants in the town in the 1830s. Part of the demesne of Lord Clonbrock was in the parish and nearby was the home of Sir Ross Mahon at Castlegar. Eyrecourt was some 11 Irish miles northwest of Birr and had some 1,789 inhabitants in the 1830s. (see Lewis, 1837, i. page 610] Thence I rode on to Birr, and preached, at seven, to a large unconcerned congregation. The next day, both in the morning and evening, I spoke very plain and rough. And the congregation had quite another appearance than it had the night before. So clear it is, that love will always prevail; but there is a time for the terrors of the Lord.

After spending the period from the 12th May to the 12th June in the south west, in Counties Limerick and Cork, Wesley rode back to Offaly on the 12th June 1749 committing to his journal the following:
Monday, 12th June 1749: I had appointed to take horse at four, that I might have time to preach at Nenagh, but no horses came till seven. At four, I walked forward. After resting a while at Tullah; I walked on, till an honest man, overtaking me, desired me to ride behind him. With this help I came to Nenagh before eleven, preached there at twelve, and at Birr in the evening.

Tuesday, 13th June 1749: We rode over to Gloster, a beautiful seat, built by an English gentleman, who had scarce finished his house, and laid out his gardens, when he was called to his everlasting home. Sir L- P- [Laurence Parsons], and his lady dined with us; whether coming by accident or design, I know not. About five, I preached in the stately saloon, to a little company of plain, serious people: the fine ones looking on, and some of them seeming to be a little affected. I expounded at Birr about seven, in the strongest manner I could, the story of Dives and Lazarus. [Gloster, Brosna, Birr is a well known country house of late 17th century date and reconstructed in the early 18th century. The house was owned by the Lloyd family until 1958 when it was sold to the Salesian Sisters of St. John Bosco who vacated in recent times selling first to Macra na Feirme, who in turn sold the house to Senator Edward Haughey of Norbrook Laboratories. Wesley's note is interesting. The house is described briefly in George Cunningham's Roscrea and District page 63 -64 and in Mark Bence Jones Burke's Guide to Irish Country Houses at page 141. The house is said to have been remodelled c. 1730 for Trevor Lloyd by Sir Edward Lovett Pearce, his cousin. Wesley's reference to the lately deceased English gentleman must be Trevor Lloyd whose will was proved in 1747 (see Vicars Prerogative Wills page 293). The Laurence Parsons referred to was the third baronet who married in 1730 Mary Sprigge and secondly in 1742 Anne Wentworth Harman. Sir Laurence Parsons died in 1749 and was succeeded by his eldest son, William (see Burke's Peerage 1890, page 1180)].

Wednesday, 14th June 1749: We designed to dine at Ferbane, about twelve miles from Birr. We stopped at the first inn in the town. But they did not care to entertain heretics: neither did the people at the second inn. I alighted at the third, and went in, without asking any questions.

Here I met with a woman very sick, and very serious. Some of her neighbours quickly gathered about us, and we endeavoured to improve the opportunity. After some time spent in close conversation and prayer, we parted in much love.

About seven I preached at Athlone. It being the time of the general review, abundance of soldiers, and many officers were present. They all behaved with the utmost decency. But a gentleman of the town did not; which had like to have cost him dear. Many swords were drawn: but the officers interposed, and it went no farther.

Saturday, 17th June 1749: The wind being very tempestuous in the evening, I preached in our new-built House [presumably the first Methodist church in Athlone]. Toward the close of the sermon, I asked, "Which of you will give yourself, soul and body to God?" One cried out, with a cry that almost shook the house, "O, I will, I will," And as soon as she could stand, she came forth in the midst to witness it before all the congregation. It was Mrs. Glass. Her words pierced like lightening. Presently another witnessed the same resolution. And not long after, one who had been sorrowing as without hope, Mrs. Meecham, lifted up her head with joy, and continued singing and praising God to the dawn of the next day.

Perceiving this was an acceptable time, I laid aside my design of meeting the Society, and continued in prayer with the whole congregation, all our hearts being as the heart of one man.

When I had at length pronounced the blessing, no man stirred but each stayed in his place till I walked through them. I was soon called back by one crying out, "My God, my God, thou hast forgotten me." Having spoken this, she sunk to the earth. We called upon God in her behalf. The cries, both of her and of several others, mourning after God, redoubled. But we continued wrestling with God in prayer, till He gave us an answer of peace.

Sunday, 18th June 1749: I preached at five, and about two, on the Connaught side of the river: thence I hastened to Aghrim, and endeavoured to awaken a serious but sleepy congregation.

Monday, 19th June 1749: I rode over to Abaskra [Ahascragh?], and then to Mr. Mahon's at Castle-Gar. I had much conversation with Mrs. M---, and was much in doubt, from the account she gave of her own experience, whether she had not been justified many years, though she knew it not by that name.

I preached at Abaskra [Ahashra] at six, both in the evening and in the morning; on Tuesday evening at Athlone. I then met the Society, where one, and another, cried aloud for mercy: we called upon God, till several of them found mercy, and praised him with a good courage. I think more found peace with God in these four days than in sixteen months before.

Wednesday, 21st June 1749: I rode to Tyrrel's Pass, but did not find that fervour of spirit in the congregation, which was among them the last year; yet a few there were who were still pressing on to the mark.

Thursday, 22nd June 1749: I preached at noon at a village three miles from Tyrrel's Pass; in the evening at Tullamore, and on Friday morning and evening.

Saturday, 24th June 1749: I rode to Mountmellick, and dined with Joseph Fry, late a Quaker. Abundance of people were at the preaching in the eveing, and all seemed to give earnest attention.

Sunday, 25th June 1749: I preached at eight to a still increasing congregation; and God's word was as a two-edged sword. I rode thence to Portarlington, a town inhabited chiefly by French. A Clergyman there received me gladly. Some time before a gentleman of Mountmellick had desired him to preach against the Methodists. He said, "He could not, till he knew what they were;" in order to which, he came soon after and heard Mr. Larwood; and from that time, instead of preaching against them, he spoke for them, wherever he came.

As soon as we came out of church, I went straight to the Market-House, and the whole congregation followed me. I had not seen in all Ireland so glittering a company before, unless at St. Mary's church, in Dublin; and yet all of them, high and low, behaved in such a manner as became His presence before whom they stood.

Thence I rode two miles farther, to Mr. L.'s house, at Closeland, near Ballibrittis. It rained the whole time that I was preaching; but the congregation regarded it no more than I did, though I was thoroughly wet before I had done, the shower driving full in my face.

Monday, 26th June 1749: We had a blessed opportunity at Mountmelick in the evening, while I was explaining the covenant God hath made with us. The same spirit continued with us at the meeting of the Society; so that my voice could not be heard for the voice of those who cried for mercy, or praised the God of their salvation. Tuesday, 27th June 1749: I talked two hours with J-- St--n, [Strangeman?] a Quaker. He spoke in the very spirit and language wherein poor Mr. Hall used to speak before he made shipwreck of the grace of God. I found it good for me to be with him; it enlivened and strengthened my soul.

I rode in the afternoon to Closeland, and preached in the evening and morning, to a people earnestly desirous of pleasing God.

Thursday, 29th June 1749: I rode to Portarlington again, and preached to a larger congregation than before: they all seemed to hear, not only with strong desire, but with understanding also.

I afterwards explained to them the nature of a Society, and desired any who were willing so to unite together, to speak to me severally: above threescore did so the same day.

Saturday, 1st July 1749: I preached at Mountmellick.

Sunday, 2nd July 1749: I preached at eight in Portarlington, and again at two. I scarce knew how to leave off; all the people seemed to be so deeply affected. The Society now contained above one hundred members, full of zeal and good desires; and in one week the face of the whole town is changed: open wickedness is not seen; the fear of God is on every side; and rich and poor ask, "What must I do to be saved?" And how long (I thought with myself) will this continue? In most only till the fowls of the air come, and devour the seed. Many of the rest, when persecution or reproach begins, will immediately be offended. And in the small remainder, some will fall off, either through other desires, or the cares of the world, or the deceitfulness of riches.

Monday, 3rd July 1749: I preached at Edinderry, and on Tuesday morning and evening. Almost every person who was present at the meeting of the Society, appeared to be broken in pieces. A cry went up on every side, till Joseph Fry, once as eminent a sinner as even Joseph Fry of Mountmellick, and since as eminent an instance of the grace of God, broke out into prayer. It was not long before praise and prayer were mixed together; and shortly after, prayer was swallowed up in the voice of praise and thanksgiving.

Wesley returned to Dublin on Wednesday, 5th July 1749 and was there for the 12th of July celebrations. Before leaving Ireland he visited Dr. Stephen's (sic) Hospital and the Royal Hospital Kilmainham. His comments are interesting now as both buildings have been restored.

Dr. Steevens was completed in 1733 and was the first public hospital in Dublin.

Thursday, 20th July 1749: I saw Dr. Stephen's Hospital, far cleaner and sweeter than any I had seen in London, and the Royal Hospital, for old soldiers, standing on the top of an hill, overlooking Phoenix-Park. All the buildings are kept not only in good repair, but likewise exactly clean. The hall is exceeding grand; the chapel far better finished than any thing of the kind in Dublin. O what is wanting to make these men happy? Only the knowledge and the love of God.

Crookshank in his History of Methodism in Ireland (1885, reprinted 1994), states that Closeland is in the parish of Lea and that there Wesley was the guest of a Mr. Labrode.

The aftermath of John Wesley's 1749 visit is contained in a letter written from Tyrell's Pass on 24th July 1749 which John Wesley reproduces in his Journal (volume ii, pages 116 - 117). The writer is J. R. - a Methodist preacher. Crookshank states that this is Jonathan Reeves, a Methodist preacher.

"Dear Sir,

"Tyrell's Pass, July 24, 1749

"Many have found a sense of the pardoning love of God at Athlone since you left it; and the Society in general are on the stretch for the kingdom of God. The Lord has kindled a fire in Aghrim likewise. The last time but one that I was there, several were struck with deep convictions, which continued till I came again. While I was meeting the Society there, the Governess of Mr. S----'s children was struck to the ground, and in a short time filled with peace and joy in the Holy Ghost. The next morning, his Steward was cut to the heart, and fell upon his knees in the midst of the sermon, as did Mr. S---- himself, together with his wife, and great part of the congregation. The Steward went home full of peace and love. This has set the whole Society on fire: so that now everyone is crying out, 'What must I do to be saved?'

"The same fire is kindled at Portarlington. I went there the next Sunday after you. One then found a sense of God's pardoning love; and last Saturday in the Society some cried out, and some fell to the ground, three of whom found peace to their souls.

"I was at Mount-Melick likewise the next Sunday after you, and the power of God was present to heal. Two that were heavy laden, found rest that night. The next time we met, we scarce knew how to part. We continued singing and praying till five persons received a clear manifestation of the love of God: another found the same blessing while I was preaching this morning. We spent some time afterwards at James Moss's house, in praying with some that were under deep convictions; and two of them went home rejoicing in God their Saviour. I was now informed of two more that were rejoicing in God: so that in Mount-Melick twelve persons, in all, have found the 'peace that passeth all understanding,' since you left that place.

"I preached at Rahew, [Rahugh near Kilbeggan] likewise, the week after you was there. The man of the house had fetched his mother from a considerable distance; she had never heard a Methodist Preacher before. She was soon cut to the heart, and cried out aloud. One behind her bid her fall upon her knees, which she presently did, and the whole House was as in one cry. I broke off my discourse, and began to pray, which I continued till I was so spent, I could hardly speak. I went out to take a little breath, and came in again. She was crying out, 'I am dropping, dropping into hell; its mouth is open, ready to swallow me up.' I went to prayers again, and before we had done, God spoke peace to her soul. She was filled with job unspeakable, and could but just say, 'I am in a new world, I am in a new world.'

"From the whole, I cannot but observe two things, 1. What a blessing it is, when any who finds that peace, declares it openly before all the people, that we may break off and praise God. If this was always done, it would be good for many souls. The first that found it on Sunday evening, spoke before all, and we praised God: the moment she spoke, another, and then another, found peace, and each of them spoke aloud; and made the fire run through the whole congregation. I would observe, 2. The woman at Rahew had never before seen any one in the like trouble. Therefore she could not cry out because she had heard others do it, but because she could not help it; because she felt the word of God 'sharper than a two-edged sword;' and generally, the sharper the convictions are, the sooner they are over.

"This is from your son in the Gospel, "J. R."

Wesley rode with Jonathan Reeves to Edenderry in the week after Easter Sunday, 19th April 1750.

Thursday, 19th April 1750: I rode with Jonathan Reeves through a heavy rain to Edinderry. The congregation was much larger than I expected; and both in the evening and the morning we praised God with joyful lips.

Friday, 20th April 1750: I rode to Portarlington on a very bad horse, and was glad of a little rest.

Sunday, 22nd April 1750: I preached at eight; at Closeland about two; and between five and six at Portarlington, to almost all the gentry in the town, on. "Thou art not far from the kingdom of God."

Monday, 23rd April 1750: I preached at Closeland again, and the next morning spoke severally with the Members of the Society, increased both in number and in the grace of God.

Wednesday, 25th April 1750: I dined at Mr. K----'s, who had lived utterly without God for about seventy years; but God had now made both him, and most of his household, partakers of like precious faith. When I first came into the house, he was in an agony of pain, from a hurt of about forty-five years' standing. I advised to apply hot nettles; the pain presently ceases, and he arose and praised God.

Thursday, 26th April 1750: I examined the Class of children, many of whom are rejoicing in God. I then sought after some of the sheep that were lost, and left all I spoke with, determined to return. About noon I read the letters, and in the afternoon rode cheerfully to Mount-Mellick. I found the Society here much increased in grace, and yet lessened in number: a case which I scarce remember to have met with before, in all England and Ireland. Sunday, 29th April 1750: I preached at eight, at two, and at five, when some of our most vehement opposers were present, and by their seriousness and attention, gave us reason to hope they will oppose no more.

Monday, 30th April 1750: I baptized a man and woman, (late Quakers,) as I had done another the night before. Afterwards, I visited the sick. The first we went to, had been a Papist, but was cast out for hearing us. While we were at prayer, she cried bitterly after God, refusing to be comforted; nor did she cease, till He revealed his Son in her heart, which she could not but declare to all that were in the house.

About one I administered the Lord's Supper to a sick person, with a few of our Brethern and Sisters. Being straitened for time, I used no extemporary prayer at all; yet the power of God was so unusually present during the whole time, that several knew not how to contain themselves, being quite overwhelmed with joy and love. Wesley arrived in Ireland spending 12 days in Dublin and then to Edenderry, Portarlington and Mountmellick. Many of his Tullamore fair-day audience were drunk. His trip to the Midlands as set out below. In the South at Cork and Bandon there was vigorous opposition to his preaching and to the Methodist movement with violent outbreaks eventually quelled by be soldier. Methodism had formed loyal supporters in the army barracks throughout the country. He noted in his Journal:
Thence we rode to Tullamore. It being the Fair-Day, many were tolerably drunk. When I began to preach, they made a little disturbance for awhile; but the bulk of the audience were deeply attentive.

Tuesday, 1st May 1750: I found many of the first were become last, being returned as a dog to the vomit. In the evening my hoarseness (contracted in Dublin) was so increased, that I doubt few of the congregation could hear. In meeting the Society, I reproved them sharply for the lukewarmness and covetousness. In that hour the spirit of contrition came down, and all of them seemed broken in pieces: at the same time my voice was restored in a moment, so that I could once more sing praise to God.

Wednesday, 2nd May 1750: I rode to Tyrrell's Pass, and found more than double the congregation which I had there last year. The next day, when I spoke to those of the Society severally, I had still greater cause to rejoice; finding a great part of them "walking in the light," and "praising God all the day long."

Friday, 4th May 1750: I preached about noon at Cooly-lough, (near Horseleap) and about six in the Market-House at Athlone.

Sunday, 6th May 1750: I addressed myself in the morning, to the backsliders, from, "How shall I give thee up, Ephraim?" At one, to the unawakened, from, "What is a man profited if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" In the evening I preached to a far larger congregation, on the Connaught side of the river. In the midst of the sermon, a man with a fine curvetting horse drew off a large part of the audience. I paused a little, and then raising my voice, said, "If there are any more of you, who think it is of more concern to see a dancing horse, than to hear the Gospel of Christ, pray go after them." They took the reproof; the greater part came back directly, and gave double attention.

Monday, 7th May 1750: When I met the Society in the evening, one who had been always afraid to exposing herself, was struck so that she could not help crying out aloud, being in strong agonies both of soul and body. Indeed her case was quite peculiar. She felt no fear of hell, but an inexpressible sense of the sufferings of Christ, accompanied with sharp bodily pain, as if she had literally suffered with Him. We continued in prayer until twelve o'clock, and left her patiently waiting for salvation.

Tuesday, 8th May 1750: I dined at Mr. T---'s. Two other Clergymen were present, and Mr. H--, Member of Parliament for the county. We soon fell upon Justification and Inspiration, and after a free conversation seemed nearly of one mind.

Thursday, 10th May 1750: I read the letters. A famous drunkard and swearer stood as long as he could, and then fell down upon his knees before the whole congregation. All appeared to be much moved. It was difficulty I broke from them about noon, and rode to Ahaskra; where I preached in the evening to an exceeding serious congregation on, "Seek ye the Lord while he may be bound."

Friday, 11th May 1750: I talked largely with the two Miss M---'s. The elder, I found, had once known the love of God, but not kept it long, and seemed to be now earnestly mourning after it. The younger had never left her first love; and in the midst of great bodily weakness, had no fear of death, but a "desire to depart, and to be with Christ."

Saturday, 12th May 1750: I rode to Mr. Simpson's, near Oatfield; and in the evening preached at Aghrim, [Aughrim] to a well-meaning, sleeping people. Sunday, the 13th, I strove to shake some of them out of sleep, by preaching as sharply as I could. We had such a congregation at church, as (it was said) had not been seen there for twenty years before. After church I preached to abundance of Papists as well as Protestants; and now they seemed to be a little more awake.

About five in the afternoon I preached at Ahaskra, to a congregation gathered from all parts. O what a harvest might be in Ireland, did not the poor Protestants hate Christianity worse than either Popery or Heathenism? Monday, 14th May 1750: I rode to Birr. The number of people that assembled here in the evening, and at five in the morning, and their serious attention, gave me some hope that there will more good be done even in this place. On Wesley's way back to Dublin from Waterford in mid-June 1750, he stopped at Portarlington.

Sunday, 17th June 1750: I preached about nine in the Market-Place at Portarlington, again at one, and immediately after the Evening Service. The Earl of D----, and several other persons of distinction, listened a while, but it was not to their taste.

Tuesday, 19th June 1750: I rode over to Dublin, and found all things there in a more prosperous state than ever before.

Thursday, 21st June 1750: I returned to Closeland, and preached in the evening to a little earnest company. O who should draft me into a great city, if I did not know there is another world! How gladly could I spend the remainder of a busy life in solitude and retirement!

Friday, 22nd June 1750: We had a watch-night at Portarlington. I began before the usual time, but it was not easy to leave off; so great was our rejoicing.

Sun. 24, There being no English service, I went to the French church. I have sometimes thought Mr. Whitefield's action was violent, but he is a mere post to Mr Callaird.

In the Evening I preached at Mountmelick, where were two from Roscrea to show me the way thither. One of them gave so strange a relation, that I thought it own words. The strangest part of it rests not on his testimony alone, but on that of many of his neighbours, none of whom could have any manner of temptation to affirm either more or less than they saw with their own eyes.

"My son, John Dudley, was born at Roscrea, in the year 1726. He was serious from a child, tender of conscience, and greatly fearing God. When he was at school he did not play, like other children, but spent his whole time in learning. About eighteen, I took him home, and employed him in husbandry, and he grew more and more serious. On February 4th, 1747, just as I was laid down in bed, he cried out, 'My father, I am ready to be choked.' I ran, and took him in my arms, and in about a minute he recovered.

"The next morning he cried out just as before, and continued ill about two minutes. From this time he gave himself whooy to prayer, laying aside all worldly business..........

Tues. 26. I had gone through Montrath, (in the way to Roscrea,) when some met me on the bridge, and earnestly pressed me to preach; so I went into an empty house, (the rain and wind preventing my going to the Market Place) and immediately began to declare "The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ". The house was presently filled; the rest of the audience stood at the doors and windows. I was not one person, man, woman, or child who behaved either rudely or carelessly.

I Preached in the Market-Place at Roscrea, between six and seven in the evening. Several gentlemen and several Clergymen were present, and all behaved well.

Thur. 28. I preached in the street in Birr, a little beyond the bridge : by this means, the congregation was four times larger than usual, in which were abundance of Romans

Fri.29. As I went through Frankfort, many people gathered together, chiefly Romans, and desired me to preach. I did so, in the middle of the town. They give me a calm, stupid attention ; but I did not perceive that any of them we affected, otherwise than with amazement.

I came to Tullamore, as it fell out, on a second fair-day and had, of course, abundance of new hearers. I found far more earnestness in the people now, than when I was here before. Why should we ever be discouraged by the want of present success? Who knows what a day may bring forth?

In the evening I preached in Athlone to many officers, and an uncommon number of soldiers, who were gathered together from every part, waiting for a review. Mrs T -- desired me to lodge at her house. About twelve I heard a huge noise. Presently the street-door was broken open, next door of Mrs T--'s chamber, then that of the room which I lay. I went to the door, on which Mr. T-- shrunk back, walked down stairs, and wrecked his vengeance on his mother's windows. Some honest gentlemen of the town had set him on, and filled him with wine for the purpose.

Wesley was back in Ireland in July 1752 accompanied by his wife. The Society still has some 420 members as was the case three or four years earlier. After his stay in Dublin for c. 10 days, he departed for the Midlands, preaching at Edenderry, Closeland near Ballybrittas, Portarlington, Mountmellick, Tullamore, Athlone and Birr. He departed for England after an eleven-week stay in October 1752.

Monday, July 2nd 1750: I preached in the evening on Rev. xx. I had none to assist me, nor any respite; and I needed none. It was such a night as I have seldom known: the stout-hearted trembled on every side, particularly the troopers late at Philipstown, who did once run well.

One of them sunk down to the ground as a stone, others could hardly stand; and the same spirit of solemn, deep humiliation seemed to run through the whole assembly.

Tuesday, 3rd: In spite of the indolence of some, and the cowardice of others, I preached in the evening on the Connaught side of the river. I then met the Society; but when I would have dismissed them none seemed willing to go. We were standing and looking at each other, when a trooper stepped out into the middle of the room, and said, "I must speak. I was Saul: I persecuted the children of God. I joined with you in Philipstown, but I fell back, and hated God and all his ways: I hated you in particular, and a day or two ago said all manner of evil of you. I was going to a woman last night, when one of my comrades met and asked me if I would go to the watch-night. Out of curiosity I came; but for half the sermon I minded nothing that was said. Then God struck me to the heart, so I could not stand, but dropped down to the ground. I slept none last night, and came to you in the morning, but I could not speak. I went from you to a few of our brethern, and they prayed with me till my burden dropped off. And now, by the grace of God, we will part no more. I am ready to go with you all over the world."

The words were as fire; they kindled a flame which spread through the congregation. We praised God with one heart and one voice. I then a second time pronounced the blessing, but the people stood without motion as before till a dragoon stepped from his fellows and said, "I was a pharisee from my youth, having a strict form of godliness, and yet I always wanted something, but I knew not what, till something within me pushed me on, I could not tell why, to hear you. I have done so since you came hither. I immediately saw, what I wanted was faith and the love of God; and he supplied my wants here last night. Now I can rejoice in God my Saviour."

Monday, July 9th 1750: I preached in the evening at Tyrrell's Pass, and at five in the morning, Tuesday, 10th. Thence we rode to Drumcree, sixteen Irish miles to the north of Tyrrell's Pass. In our way, we stopped an hour at Molingar. The Sovereign of the town came to the inn, and expressed much desire that I should preach: but I had little hopes of doing good by preaching in a place where I could preach but once, and where none but me could be suffered to preach at all. We came to Mr. N------'s about two. Many fine people came from various parts in the evening, and were perfectly civil and unconcerned: so what was said to them was written on the sand.

Wednesday, July 11th 1750: It was not so with the morning congregation. There were few dry eyes among them: some would have sunk to the ground had not others supported them; and none seemed more affected than Mrs. N------ herself. There was the same spirit in the evening; many cried out aloud, and all received the word with the deepest attention.

Thursday, July 12th 1750: The congregation at five was larger than that on Tuesday evening: and surely God gave to many both the hearing ear, and the understanding heart.

Friday, 13th: I preached once more at Portarlington, and afterwards reproved this Society likewise, for the miserable, covetousness of some and the lukewarnness of others. It may be, they "will be zealous, and repent, and do the first works."

Saturday, July 14th 1750: I returned to Dublin, and on Sunday, 15th, preached at Oxmantown-Green to such a congregation as I never saw in Dublin, nor often in Ireland before.

Wesley, back in Ireland in 1752 wrote:

Monday, 27th July 1752: I preached in Edindery at one, and at Closeland in the evening.

Tuesday, 28th July 1752: I preached at Portarlington; though I was extremely ill, and it was a pain to me to speak; but it was a comfortable pain. I could from my heart praise God for his fatherly vistation.

Wednesday, 29th July 1752: I rode to Mount-Melick, but was so hoarse and wak, that I could only preach in the house.

Friday, 31st July 1752: Being not well able to ride, I borrowed Mr. P-----'s chair [sedan chair] to Tullamore; and on Saturday reached Cony-Lough [Coolylough], and met many of my friends from all parts. I now found my strength increasing daily; it must be, as my day is.

Sunday, August 2nd 1752: I baptized Joseph English, (late a Quaker,) and two of his children. Abundance of people were at Tyrrell's Pass in the evening; many more than the house could contain. Wednesday, 5th August 1752: We rode to Athlone.

Thursday, 6th August 1752: I preached in a large open place, near the house, to many of the rich as well as poor.

Saturday, 8th August 1752: I called on a lively man, who is just married, in the ninety-second year of his age. He served as an officer, both in King William's and Queen Ann's wars, and a year or two ago began to serve the Prince of Peace. He has all his faculties of body and mind entire, works in his garden some hours every day, and praises God, who has prolonged his life to so good a purpose.

Sunday, 9th August 1752: At eight we had the usual blessing. Mr. G----- preached an excellent sermon at church, on the necessity of the religion of the heart. At five I preached on the Connaught side of the river, to abundance of Romanists as well as Protestants; all of whom seemed convinced that they ought not any longer to "halt between two opinions."

Here I learned, from her husband, that Rose Longworth found peace with God in June, 1749. This she never lost, and often rejoiced with joy unspeakable. From that time she was always remarkably serious, and walked closely with God.

About Easter, 1751, she found a great decay of her bodily strength; but of this she never complained, being only concerned lest her soul should suffer loss. In July following she was removed inot the country, but still continued walking in the light. Toward the latter end of the month, apprehending her time was short, she desired to return to Athlone. On Saturday, the 21st, she returned, extremely weak, but continually praising God; and all the following week expressing a strong desire to depart, and be with Christ.

Mr. ------- administered the sacrament to her on Sunday. She could speak little, but said, she had no doubt of her salvation. He was deeply affected, and said, he believed her, but could scarce speak for tears. When she could not be heard, she had her eyes constantly fixed upward, and her lips moving. In the afternoon she fainted way. Coming to herself she said, "Ah! I was disappointed; I thought I had escaped." She then prayed for her husband, for her parents, for the Society, the Church, and the whole world. Fainting again, and coming to herself, she cried out, "See my Redeemer! See my Redeemer! See how his blood steams! I see the Lamb in glory! I see the Lamb in glory. Farewell. God be with you. Farewell." She then ceased to speak, and went to God.

Wednesday, 12th August 1752: In the evening I preached at Birr. I scarce ever saw so large, so genteel, and so serious a congregation there before. The next evening I reached Limerick....

Monday, 18th September 1752: On Tuesday I rode to Portarlington, and the next day to Birr, through so violent a storm, that my strength was utterly exhausted, and how I should preach, I knew not; but God soon renewed my strength, and on Thursday, the 21st, I arose lively and well; and in the afternoon, through continued rain, came very wet, but not tired, to Limerick.

Monday, April 26th 1756: I set out for Cork, purposing to see as many Societies as I could on my way. In the afternoon I came to Edinderry, where the little Society have built a commodious preaching-house. I had designed to preach abroad, but the keen north wind drove us into the house. The congregation (though they had no previous notice) filled it from end to end: but some of them found it too hot, and hurried out, while I applied, "Ye must be born again."

Wednesday, April 28th 1756: I rode to Tullamore, where one of the Society, Edward Wallis, gave me a very surprising account of himself. He said:-
"When I was about twenty years old, I went to Waterford for business. After a few weeks I resolved to leave it, and packed up my things in order to set out the next morning; this was Sunday; but my landlord pressed me much not to go till the next day. In the afternoon we walked out together, and went into the river: after awhile, leaving him near the shore, I struck out into the deep. I soon heard a cry, and turning, saw him rising and sinking in the channel of the river. I swam back with all speed, and seeing him sink again, dived down after him: when I was near the bottom, he clasped his arm round my neck, and held me so fast, that I could not rise. Seeing death before me, all my sins came into my mind, and I faintly called for mercy. In awhile my senses went away, and I thought I was in a place full of light and glory, with abundance of people: while I was thus, he who held me died, and I floated up to the top of the water. I then immediately came to myself, and swam to the shore, where several stood who had seen us sink, and said, 'They never knew such a deliverance before;' for I had been under water full twenty minutes. It made me more serious for two or three months. Then I returned to all my sins.

"But in the midst of all, I had a voice following me everywhere, 'When an able Minister of the Gospel comes, it will be well with thee!' Some years after I entered into the army: our troop lay at Philip's Town when Mr. W. came. I was much affected by his preaching, but not so as to leave my sins. The voice followed me still; and when Mr. J. W. came, before I saw him I had an unspeakable confiction that he was the man I looked for; and soon after I found peace with God, and it was well with me indeed."

Thursday, April 29th 1756: I preached on one side of the Market-Place, to a numerous congregation. I was afterwards invited by some of the officers to spend an hour with them at the barracks. It, at least, freed them from prejudice against the present work of God, if it answered no farther end.

Friday, April 30th 1756: I was pressed to turn aside to Athlone, a gentlewoman of Barbadoes, who was obliged to return thither shortly, having a great desire to see me. So I went to Athlone, and spent one or two hours in close conversation with her and her husband. We had a comfortable meeting in the evening, and most of the gentry in the town were present; but who can warn them to flee from the wrath to come? They are "increased in goods, and need nothing!"

Saturday, May 1st 1756: I rode to Birr, through rain, hail, and snow, such as is usual on the first of January. I had designed to preach abroad; but the wind was too sharp to be borne either by me or the people. Sunday, May 2nd 1756: We rode to Mountmelick. About five I preached in the Market-Place. I was on the point of concluding when a violent storm came. Till then the bottles of heaven were stayed.

Tuesday, May 4th 1756: We rode to Portarlington; where on Wednesday, 5th, at the desire of several who could not attend the early preaching, I preached in the assembly-room at ten, on, "Ye must be born again." Many of the best in the town (so called) were present, and seemed not a little amazed. Many more came in the evening, among whom I found an unusual l iberty of spirit. For the present, most of them seemed much affected: but how soon will the thorns grow up!

He later departed for Kilkenny and Cork were he preached in May and June. In July he returned to the Midlands and preached in Athlone on 8th of July 1756. On the 14th of the same month he was at Handy's of Coolylough and next day in Tullamore.

Thursday, 15th July 1756: In the evening I preached at Tullamore, in Barrack-Street. And many, who never had so much curiosity as to walk a hundred yards to hear the preaching, vouchsafed to hear it at their own doors. In the middle of the sermon came a Quarter-Master, very drunk, and rushed in among the people. In a short time he slipped off his hat, and gave all the attention of which he was capable. So did many of the soldiers, and many officers. O let some lay it to heart!

Friday, 16th July 1756: We walked down to Lord Tullamore's (that was his title then,) and old mile from the town. His gardens are extremely pleasant. They contain groves, little meadows, kitchen gardens, plats of flowers, and little orchards, intermixed with fine canals and pieces of water. And will not all these make their owner happy? Not if he has one unholy temper! Not unless he has in himself a fountain of water, springing up into everlasting life.

[This is an interesting reference to the old house of Redwood, which stood near the farm buildings on what is now Charleville estate. Charles Moore, the second Lord Tullamore, had acquired Redwood about 1740 from the Forth family and renamed it Charleville. He spent money on improvements to the estate including works on the river. It was possibly about this time that the grotto was built. It stood (still stands) at the end of the garden of the old house. Lord Tullamore was created earl of Charleville (of the first creation) in 1757 and died in 1764. The property then passed to his sister's husband, John Bury of Shanngrove, County Limerick. After a sermon in Tyrellspass on the 17th July, he made his way to Cavan. Later he visited Newry and other northern centres and returned from Newry, over three days arriving at Tullamore on 3rd August.]

Tuesday, August 3rd 1756: We rode to Tullamore through heavy rain, which a strong wind drove full in our face. The only wild Irish whom I have seen yet, a knot of officers, were present at the preaching in the evening, and behaved tolerably well.

Wednesday, August 4th 1756: I preached at Portarlington in the evening, and was going to take horse in the morning, when a gentleman came and said, he was glad of my company in his chariot. I accompanied him to Johnstown, where we dined; and then took horse and rode on to Dublin.

He made the passage from Dublin to Holyhead on the 12th August, the journey being a pleasant one of just 23 hours!!

He did not visit Ireland in 1757, but came again in the Spring of 1758 arriving on 30th March. Wesley visited Trinity College and thought the new front is "exceedingly grand" but the windows in front square too small. On 24th April he left Dublin and arrived at Edenderry with one of his preachers, Robert Swindells.

In the evening I preached under the Castle-wall, to a very numerous congregation, though some of the Quakers (so called) had laboured much to dissuade their people from coming; and one poor man, lately reclaimed by hearing our Preachers, from a course of open, scandalous sin, they did persuade to stay at home. When he turns back to his vomit, who shall answer for his blood?

Wednesday, 26th April: I walked round the poor remains of the Castle. The situation is extremely fine. It stands on the top of a gently-rising, commanding the prospect all four ways, and having rows of tall trees reaching down to the vale on three sides, with a grove covering it on the north-east. But the house, as well as the gardens round about it, are now utterly run to ruin. I wonder none has rebuilt it; unless there is a curse on the place, for the sins of its former inhabitants!

The remains of Blundell's castle still stand overlooking the town. Wesley had already noted the glittering society in the Huguenot town of Portarlington now in 1758 he noted the same richer. This time he visited Mr. Laborde of Closeland's home for the last time and this gentleman died soon after.

In the evening I preached at Portarlington. Both this day and the next I was much concerned for my rich, gay hearers; and God gave me such a word for them, as I scarce ever had before. Hence, at his earnest request, I rode over to Mr. Laborde, who said, "He could not die in peace till he had seen me." For some time he had been quite distracted; but he spoke quite sensibly yesterday, while Mr. Swindells was there, saying with many tears, "He had never prospered in any thing, since he used Mr. W. so ill." That night he had sound and refreshing sleep, which he had not had for many weeks before: and when we called, most of what he said was reasonable and connected. Perhaps God may put an end to the troubles which have lately encompassed him on every side.

Saturday, 29th April 1758: I preached in the Market-place, at Mountmelick, in the evening, and at eight in the morning. At eleven, I went to church. Soon after, seven or eight troopers came into the same pew. Several were in the next pew, and others scattered up and down the church. In the middle of the service, a person came in, and whispered to one of them in our pew; soon after another person came in, and whispered to the corporal. Several of them then whispered together; after which four went out, but quickly returned with many swords and pistols. After whispering together again, they all rose up from all parts, and went out of the church in a body. This put the whole congregation in an uproar, and many ran out in all haste. Afterwards the secret appeared to be this:- Three weeks ago, a man of the town grossly abused a trooper, whose patience at length being worn out, he gave him a cut across the head. A report now came, that the man was dead. On this the mob gathered to seize the trooper: but the others resolved not to give him up to a mob, but to the peace-officer.

I suppose most of the Protestants in the town were present at the evening Sermon. Many Papists also stood in the skirts of the congregation, though liable to heavy penance for it. I preached much longer than I am accustomed, finding it an acceptable time. Well might Kempis say, "He rides easily, whom the grace of God carried."

Monday, May 1st 1758: I strove to put an end to the bitter contentions which had well nigh torn the Society in pieces. I heard the contending parties face to face, and desired them to speak at large. God gave his blessing therewith: the snare was broken, and they were cordially reconciled. Only one person was out of all patience, and formally renounced us all. But within an hour God broke her heart also, and she asked pardon with many tears. So there is reason to hope they will, for the time to come, "bear one another's burdens."

In the evening I preached at Tullamore, not only to a large number of Protestants, but to many Papists, and almost all the troopers in the town.

Tuesday, 2nd May 1758: I wrote a short answer to Dr. Free's weak, bitter scurrilous invective against the people called Methodists. But I doubt whether I shall meddle with him any more; he is too dirty a writer for me to touch.

Wednesday, 3rd May 1758: I preached, at four in the afternoon, at Cooly-lough, [near Horseleap] and at eight in the morning; after which I rode on to Tyrrell's Pass. The letters which I receive here were seasonable as rain in drought. I had before found much weariness; but God thereby gave a check to my faintness of spirit, and enabled me to "gird up the loins of my mind."

In the evening, the weather being calm and mild, I preached on the side of a meadow, the people standing before me, one above another on the side of a gently-rising hill. And many did indeed, at that hour, "taste and see that the Lord is gracious."

After a trip north, he was back in Tullamore and Birr on June 14th:

Wednesday, June 14th 1758: I preached at Tullamore about eleven, and at Birr in the evening.

Later he journeyed to Limerick. He left Ireland for Wales via Cork on 5th August 1758.

Wesley remained in Britain in 1759 but returned to Ireland on 1st April 1760. He took ship to Ireland from Liverpool about 9 am on Sunday, 30th March and arrived on Tuesday, 1st April at c. 12 noon. He was now commencing service at 4.00 am instead of 5.00 am. Probably for the first time, he headed north instead of to the Midlands following on his stay in Dublin.

He preached in Athlone on Trinity-Sunday, June 1st 1760. On 14th June, he was at Tyrrellspass:

Trinity-Sunday, June 1st 1760: I preached about nine, in the market-house in Athlone, on "There are three that bear record in heaven - and these there are one." Afterwards, at the Minister's desire, I read prayers in the church, and in the evening preached on the Connaught side of the river, on, "Ye must be born again," Both Papists and Protestants attended, and some seemed cut to the heart.

... on Saturday 14, I came to Tyrrell's Pass, and found several of our friends who were come from various parts. Sunday, 15th June 1760: I preached at eight, and at twelve, (there being no service at the church.) A heap of fine gay people came in their post-chaises to the evening preaching. I spoke very plain, but the words seemed to fly over them: "Gallio cared for none of these things."

Monday, 16th June 1760: I preached in the evening, in the long shady walk at Edinderry, to such a congregation as had not been seen there for many years. And God gave an edge to his word, both this evening and the next morning: He can work even among these dry bones.

Wednesday, 18th June 1760: I designed to preach in the market-house at Portarlington, but it was pre-engaged for a ball; so I preached, and with much comfort, in our own room, as also at five in the morning. I preached at ten for the sake of the gentry; but it was too early, they could not rise so soon. In the afternoon, I rode to Mountmelick. The rain was suspended in the evening, while I exhorted a large congregation to "walk in the old paths." Many Papists appeared to be quite astonished; some of them were almost persuaded to walk therein. The next evening I preached in the market-place, for the sake of the rich who could hear there, without impeachment to their honour; and some were deeply affected. Surely the thorns will not choke all the good seed!

Saturday, 21st June 1760: The congregation at Tullamore was near as large as at Mountmelick. At eight in the morning, Sunday, 22nd June, it was much increased, but much more at one; and I have reason to believe that God at this time touched several careless hearts. I rode from thence to Coolylough, and found a congregation gathered from twenty miles around. It rained when I began to preach, but none offered to go away; and God did indeed "send a gracious rain upon his inheritance," and comforted the souls of his servants.

Monday, 23rd June 1760: Being the quarterly meeting, the Stewards from all the country Societies were present; a company of settled, sensible men. Nothing is wanting in this kingdom, but zealous, active Preachers, tenacious of order, and exact discipline.

Tuesday, 24th June 1760: I took horse early, and at ten preached at Cloughan, about 24 miles from Coolylough. We afterwards rode through Longford, but did not stop, as the day was cool was pleasant. About two we were unawares encompassed with a multitude of Papists, coming out of their mass-house. One of them knowing me soon alarmed the rest, who set up a hideous roar, and drew up in battle-array; but we galloped through them and went on to Drumersnave, where I preached in the evening; and the next day, Wednesday, 25th June, rode on to Sligo.

On Sunday, June 8 1760 "I preached to a numerous congregation and returned to Athlone, soon enough to speak once more to a large concourse of all ranks and religions; but great part of them were as bullocks unaccustomed to the yoke, neither taught of God nor man."

Saturday 14 June 1760 - "After preaching to several of the intermediate Societies in the way, on Saturday, 14, I came to Tyrrell's Pass, and found several of our friends who were come from various parts."

Wesley now made his way to Tyrrell's Pass where "a heap of fine, gay, people came in their post-chaises to the evening preaching." He spoke very "plainly", but his words seemed to fly over them. He mentions Edenderry:

Monday 16 June 1760. "I preached in the evening, in the long shady walk at Edinderry, to such a congregation as had not been seen there for many years. And God gave an edge to his word, both this evening and the next morning: "Gallio cared for none of these Things". At Portarlington he preached at four o'clock in the morning, and again at ten: Wednesday 18 June 1760: "I designed to preach in the market-house at Portarlington, but it was pre-engaged for a ball; so I preached, and with much comfort, in our own room, as also at five in the morning. I preached at ten for the sake of the gentry; but it was too early, they could not rise so soon."

At Mountmellick he exhorted a large congregation to walk in the old paths; many Romanists appeared quite astonished, and some of them were almost persuaded to walk therein. At Tullamore, where a chapel was built that year, [notes Crookshank] the audience was nearly as large as at Mountmellick. He rode to Coolalough [near Horseleap] and preached to a congregation assembled from twenty miles round, and held the quarterly meeting, the stewards - "a company of settled, sensible men" - being present. On the 24th of June he spoke at Cloughan, 24 miles from Coolylough and thence to Longford.

Preaching daily, and riding long journeys over rough roads in bad weather, and with all kinds of horses, Wesley came to Eyrecourt, on Wednesday, 2nd July 1760 "where many threatened great things, but all vanished into air." At ten he preached in the Courthouse.

"In the evening I preached at Birr, with more satisfaction than for several years; finding many more alive to God than ever, and provoking to set out early in the morning, but their love constrained me to stay a day longer; so I had leisure to compete the account of the Societies. At present the Societies in Connaught contain little more than two hundred Members; those in Ulster, about two hundred and fifty; those in Leinster, a thousand........"

Wesley continued his travels around Ireland, taking in Cahir (where he addressed a large and serious congregation of soldiers), Clonmel, Waterford and Cork. After a tour of seventeen weeks, Wesley got back to Dublin. He had, he noted, preached scores of sermons, travelled many hundreds of miles, being subject to great privations, and sometimes to serious danger; but in the midst of all the Lord was with him, and he was happy and prosperous in His glorous work. On July 24th he embarked for Chester.

Wesley was not in Ireland in 1761, but did return in 1762, in April of that year. After three weeks in Dublin he went north, preaching in Belfast, Carrickfergus, Lurgan and elsewhere. He was in the Midlands by 16th May visiting Athlone, Edenderry, Portarlington and the Midland towns.

Sunday 16 May 1762: "I had observed to the Society last week, that I had not seen one congregation ever in Ireland behave so ill at church as that at Athlone, laughing, talking, and staring about during the whole service; I had added, "This is your fault; for if you had attended the church, as you ought to have done, your presence and example would not have failed to influence the whole congregation:" and so it appeared. I saw not one to day either laughing, talking, of staring about; but a remarkable seriousness was spread from the one end of the church to the other." On May 24th he went to climb Croagh Patrick of which he has given an interesting account.

24th May 1762: "I went with two friends to see one of the greatest natural wonders in Ireland, Mount Eagle, vulgarly called Crow-Patrick (sic). The foot of it is fourteen miles from Castlebar. There we left our horses, and procured a guide. It was just twelve when we alighted; the sun was burning hot, and we had not a breath of wind. Part of the ascent was a good deal steeper than an ordinary pair of stairs. About two we gained the top, which is an oval, grassy plain, about a hundred and fifty yards in length, and seventy or eighty in breadth. The upper part of the mountain much resembles the Peak of Teneriffe: I think it cannot rise much less than a mile perpendicular from the plain below. There is an immense prospect, on one side toward the sea, and on the other over the land; but as most of it is waste and uncultivated, the prospect is not very pleasing." It was a warm summer and he spoke of violent heat continuing for eight days towards the end of May 1762. At Waterford on the 7th July 1762 he saw the execution of four Whiteboys (a secret Agrarian society): "Four of the Whiteboys, lately condemned for breaking open houses, were executed. They were all, notwithstanding the absolution of their Priest, ready to die for fear of death; two or three of them laid fast hold on the ladder, and could not be persuaded to let it go. One, in particular, gave such violent shrieks, as might be heard near a mile off......."

Tuesday 13 July 1762: "I rode to Birr. About forty persons attended in the evening, and half as many in the morning. I saw there was but one way to do any good; so in the evening I preached abroad [out in the town]. I had then hundreds of hearers......."

Thursday 15 July 1762: "I took my old standing in the Market-place at Mountmelick; but the next evening the rain drove us into the Market-house. Afterward we had a joyful Love-feast. Indeed hitherto God has been pleased to mark all our way with blessings."

Saturday 17 July 1762: "I went on to poor, dead Portarlington: and no wonder it should be so, while the Preachers coop themselves up in a room with twenty or thirty hearers. I went straight to the Market-place, and cried aloud, "Hearken! Behold, a sower went forth to sow." God made his word quick and powerful, and "sharp as a two-edged sword." Abundantly more than the room could contain were present at five in the morning. At eight I began in the Market-place again, on, "How shall I give thee up, Ephraim?" Solemn attention sat on every face, and God repeated his call to many hearts. In the evening I preached at Tullamore." [Crookshank mentions that there was a terrible storm of thunder and lightning, most of the houses were shaken, yet no harm was done.] Wesley notes in the journal at 19th July 1762: "Between two and three in the morning was such thunder and lightning as I never knew in Europe. The crack and the flash were in the same instant: most of the houses shook; and yet no hurt was done in the whole town. But some good was done: for at five o'clock, the preaching-house was quite filled; and the inward voice of the Lord was mighty in operation: this also was a glorious voice!"

Tuesday 20 July 1762: "We had our quarterly meeting at Coolylough. On Wednesday I preached at Clara;

Thursday, 22nd, at Tyrell's Pass; and on Friday went on to Edinderry. Here I found some who had been long labouring in the fire, and toiling to work themselves into holiness......."

Tuesday 27 July 1762: "I received a comfortable letter from Edinderry. "When you came hither, Satan had gained such an advantage over us, that few even of the Society would read your sermons, saying they were nothing but the law; but God has now taught us better"."

On July 31st Wesley left for England.

Saturday 6 July 1765: We rode to Portarlington. At seven I preached in the Market-house, to a numerous congregation. Near as many were present at eight in the morning. I had great liberty of speech; and the manner wherein they suffered the word of exhortation, persuaded me it would not be in vain.

We came to Mountmellick before the church began, and were glad to find it was Sacrament Sunday. [Crookshank (1994 ed, i, p172) states that a new chapel had been built in Mountmellick which was continued in use for about 117 years.] In the evening I preached on one side of the Market-place, on our Lord's lamentation over Jerusalem, to almost all the Protestants in the town, and not a few of the Papists. To those I made a particular application in the conclusion of my discourse. Indeed I never found so great a concern for them as since I came last into the kingdom. Monday, 8 July 1765: I preached in the Market-place once more; and it was a solemn hour. I left many of the people much alive to God, and athirst for his whole image. I preached at Tullamore in the evening. At five in the morning the house was near full. While I was preaching on Tuesday evening in the Market-place, we had several showers; but few went away. Here likewise I was constrained to address myself to the Papists in particular, and to exhort them never to rest, till they were partakers of the common salvation.

About eleven we were waked with a cry of fire, which was at the next door but one. The flame shone so that one might see to pick up a pin, and the sparks flew on every side, so that it was much feared the neighbouring houses would take fire, as several of them were thatched. But the violent rain which fell an hour before had made the thatch so wet that it could not catch quickly, and in less than two hours all the fire was quenched. So we slept the rest of the night in peace.

Wednesday, 10 July 1765: I preached at Clara about noon, and in the evening at Athlone. The two next evenings I preached in the Market-house for the sake of the Papists, who durst not come to the room. Saturday 13 July 1765: I read Sir Richard Cox's History of Ireland. I suppose it is accounted as authentic as any that is extant. But surely never was there the like in the habitable world! Such a series of robberies, murders, and burning of houses, towns, and countries, did I never hear or read of before. I do not now wonder Ireland is thinly inhabited, but that it has any inhabitants at all! Probably it had been wholly desolate before now, had not the English come, and prevented the implacable wretches from going on till they had swept each other from the earth.

In the afternoon I rode to Aghrim, and preached, about seven to a deeply serious congregation, most of whom were present again at eight in the morning. On Sunday, 14th, about five, I began in my usual place at Athlone, on the Connaught side of the river. I believe the congregation (both of Protestants and Papists) was never so large before. Some were displeased at this; and several pieces of turf were thrown over the houses, with some stones; but neither one nor the other could in the least interrupt the attention of the people. Then a Popish miller (prompted by his betters, so called) got up to preach over against me; but some of his comrades throwing a little dirt in his face, he leaped down in haste to fight them. This bred a fray, in which he was so roughly handled, that he was glad to get off with only a bloody nose.

Monday 15 July 1765: I had the pleasure of meeting many of my friends from various parts at Coolylough. I preached, at twelve, under the shade of some spreading trees, and again at six in the evening. From there, at Tyrrell's Pass some persons of influence were present, and he preached with a peculiar blessing from God. Tuesday 16 July 1765: I preached at Tyrrell's Pass, with a peculiar blessing from God, though many persons of fortune were in the congregation. But the poor and rich are his.

At Edenderry, it was noted that many Quakers were in the audience - Wednesday July 17 1765: I preached in the Grove at Edinderry. Many of the Quakers were there, (it being the time of their General Meeting,) and many of all sorts. I met here with the Journal of William Edmundson, one of their Preachers in the last century. Soon after Wesley made a return to Dublin "The wind is in our face tempering the heat of the sun, we had a pleasant ride to Dublin." Having spent four months in the country, Wesley embarked for England on August 2nd. Wesley did not visit Ireland in 1766 but did return in 1767. As in 1765 he made the crossing from Scotland to the north of Ireland leaving the Midlands to almost the end of his journeys through Ireland of that year.

He found in Birr the wildest congregations he had seen: Sunday 14 June 1767: In the evening I preached at Birr, to a wilder congregation than I ever saw at Kilkenny: however, as I stood near the barracks, the number of soldiers that attended, kept them so far in awe, that they durst only laugh and make a little noise, till the whole body of the Papists ran away together. The rest were them tolerably attentive, and grew more and more serious till I concluded.

Monday 15 June 1767: I rode through a pleasant and well cultivated county to Aghrim. For many years I have not seen so large a congregation here, and so remarkably well-behaved. At the prayer, both before and after sermon, all of them kneeled upon the grass. A few of the poor Papists only remained standing, at a distance from the rest of the people. These would come in droves at every place, if the Priests as well as the King, would grant liberty of conscience.

At the desire of the good old widow, Mrs. M--------, I went with Mr. S------- to C-------. Lord and Lady M--------- were there before us, to whom I was probably

"A not expected, much-unwelcome guest."

But whatsoever it was to them, it was a heavy afternoon to me, as I had no place to retire to, and so was obliged to be in genteel company for two or three hours together. O what a dull thing is life without religion! I do not wonder that time hangs heavy upon the hands of all who know not God, unless they are perpetually drunk with noise and hurry of one kind or another.

Wednesday 17 June 1767: We came to Athlone. Here the scene was changed. I was among those that both feared and loved God; but to this day they have not recovered the loss which they sustained, when they left off going to church. It is true they have long been convinced of their mistake, yet the fruit of it still remains; so that there are very few who retain that vigour of spirit which they before enjoyed. At seven I preached in the new house, which Mr. S. has built entirely at his own expense. The congregation was, as usual, both large and serious. I rested the four following days, only preaching morning and evening.

Sunday 21 June 1767: We had a solemn meeting of the Society at five. After preaching at eight, I would willingly have gone to church, but was informed there had been no service for near two years, and would be none for a year or two longer, the inside of the church wanting to be repaired! In the evening I preached in the barracks. I know not that ever I saw such a congregation at Athlone before; rich and poor, Protestants and Papists, gathered together from every side; and deep attention sat on all, while I explained that solemn declaration (part of the Gospel for the day,) "If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither will they be persuaded, though one rose from the dead."

Tuesday 23 June 1767: About one I preached in the Market-place at Clara. I admired the seriousness of the whole congregation. Indeed one or two gentlemen appeared quiet unconcerned; but the presence of the greater gentlemen kept them within bounds. So they were as quiet as if they had been at the playhouse. This, and the following evening, I preached in the Market-place at Tullamore.

Thursday 25 June 1767, I was desired to look at the monument lately erected for the Earl of Charleville. It observes "That he was the last of his family, the Great Moores of Croghan."

But how little did riches profit either him, who died in the strength of his years, or his heir, who was literally overwhelmed by them: being so full of care, that sleep departed from him, and he was restless day and night; till after a few months, life itself was a burden, and an untimely death closed the scene!

Wesley is here referring to the monument now in St. Catherine's church, which was commissioned by the Bury family from John Van Nost the younger (1712 - 80). Homan Potterton in his Irish Church Monuments 1750 - 1880 (Belfast, 1975) states that the memorial was commissioned by Lord Charleville's nephew, John Bury. John Bury was the son of Lord Charleville's sister, Jane Moore. The family home was Shannongrove, Co. Limerick and his father, William, married Jane Moore in 1723. John Bury, the eldest son, inherited the Charleville Estate in 1764 at the age of 39. He died in a bathing accident at Ringsend, Dublin shortly after, on 4th August 1764. His only son was Charles William Bury, born 30th June 1764 and came of age in 1785. He presided over the fortunes of Tullamore until his death on 31st October 1835 (see Burke's Irish Family Records (London, 1976) pp 190 - 192). The monument was first placed in the old church in the present Shambles, Church Street c. 1767, and in the present St. Catherine's church in 1814. Regarding the monument, Lord Charleville is represented by a recumbent effigy flanked by female allegorical figures, emblematic of Justice and Religion. John Bury is commemorated with the bust sitting on the urn.

Saturday June 27 1767: The congregation in the Market-house at Portarlington was widely different from that at Mountmellick. I endeavoured to suit my subject to my audience, preaching from, "Gallio cared for none of these things." But some of them were quite above conviction. So finding that they had neither sense, nor good manners, (of religion I did not suspect them,) the next day I adjourned to a new house, in which I preached morning and evening: and here the greatest part of the congregation, both Papists and Protestants, behaved with decency.

Monday June 29 1767: We took horse about a quarter past three, and before eight preached at Coolylough. At twelve, I preached in the Shady Walk; afterwards we had the quarterly meeting. I found no reason to complain of any of the Societies; only they want more life and zeal.

Tuesday June 30 1767: I observed more good manners at Tyrrell's Pass, in rich as well as poor, than at Portarlington.

Wednesday July 1 1767: A friend carried me to Belvidere, [Belvedere, near Mullingar] a seat built on the side of a clear lake, with walks and gardens adjoining, so curiously laid out, as to exceed even the Earl of Charleville's. One would scarce think it possible to have such a variety of beauties in so small a compass. But, -

"How soon, alas! will these upbraid
Their transistory master dead!"

We went on to Molingar, [sic] where for many years no Methodist Preacher could appear [for fear of violence]. The Sessions-house here was used as a Guard-house. I sent to the Commanding officer, and desired leave to preach there. This he not only gave, but came himself. So did many of the soldiers, as well as the townsmen. In the evening, notwithstanding the cold and blustering winds, I was obliged to preach abroad at Tyrrell's Pass. But the rain, on the two following evenings, drove us into the house at Edinderry.

Saturday July 4 1767: Having now finished my circuit, I went on cheerfully to Dublin.

On July 29th, he embarked at Donaghadee for Scotland, having spent just four months in Ireland. 1769 J

ohn Wesley returned again in 1769, to minister to the Irish congregation now close on 3,000 as compared with c. 400 in the late 1740s.

On March 22nd Wesley arrived back at Dublin, having had a smooth crosing. Again he travelled north from Dublin and then to the West and south, arriving in the Midlands at Birr from Kilkenny.

Monday 19 June 1769: In the evening I preached at Birr, and removed some misunderstandings which had crept into the Society.

Tuesday 20 June 1769: I went on to Aghrim, [Aughrim],and spoke as plain as possibly I could to a money-loving people on, "God said unto him, Thou fool!" But I am afraid many of them are sermon-proof. Yet God has all power; and sometimes he sends, when and where it pleases him, "O'erwhelming showers of saving grace."

But I have never observed these to last long; and in all the intervals of them, he acts by his standing rule, "Unto him that hath," and uses what he hath, "shall be given; and he shall have more abundantly; but from him that hath not," uses it not, "shall be taken away even that he hath."

Wednesday 21 June 1769: I went on to Athlone.

Friday 23 June 1769: I rode to Abidarrig, to the quarterly meeting. Many of the people came from far, and God gave them a good reward for their labour.

Saturday 24 June 1769: We returned to Athlone.

Sunday 25 June 1769: In the afternoon I stood in Barrack-street, and cried aloud, to a mixed multitude, "Behold, I stand at the door and knock." I never before saw so quiet a congregation on this side the water. There was not only no tumult, but no murmur to be heard, no smile to be seen on any face.

Monday 26 June 1769: About noon I preached on the Green, at Clara, to an exceeding serious congregation; and in the evening at Tullamore.

Wesley found a small increase in the Society in Tullamore, at Mountmellick he found a solemn time and at Mountrath he preached in the shell of a new house to many more than it could contain, and all were quiet and attentive.

Tuesday 27 June 1769: I found a little increase in the Society; but there cannot be much without more field-preaching.......

From Tullamore he wrote a letter, recorded in his Journals to a 'pious and sensible woman.' On 28th June 1769 he rode to Mountmellick.

Wednesday 28 June 1769: I rode to Mount-mellick, and for the sake of some tender persons, preached in the new house. It was a solemn time; in consequence of which it was pretty well filled in the morning. A serious awe spread over the whole congregation; but more remarkably the next evening, while I was opening and applying the story of Dives and Lazarus.

Friday, 30 June 1769: I rode over to Montrath [Mountrath], a wild place as most in Ireland, and preached in the shell of a new house, to many more than it would contain. All were quiet and attentive. In the middle of the sermon, a young woman, who was a sinner, endeavoured for a while to hide her tears, by creeping behind another, till in a few minutes her strength failed, and she sunk down to the ground. I was sorry they carried her away, otherwise I think she would have soon lifted up her head with joy.

In the evening we had a Love-feast at Mount-Melick, and great was our rejoicing in the Lord. Many were filled with consolation, trusting he would soon "make an end of sin, and bring in everlasting righteousness."

Saturday, 1 July 1769: I found a far different face of things at Portarlington. The large Society had once a hundred and thirty members; (a hundred and four I joined in three days;) it had now no more than twenty-four; and some of these had only a name to live. In the evening I applied particularly to the backsliders; but almost as soon as I began, a large company of quality (as they call them) came, and embarrassed me not a little. I knew this was heathen Greek to them; but I could not then change my subject: however, I diluted my discourse as much as I could, that it might not be quite too strong for their digestion.

Monday 3 July 1769: I rode to Coolylough, (where was the quarterly meeting,) and preached at eleven, and in the evening. While we were singing, I was surprised to see the horses, from all parts of the ground, gathering about us. Is it true then, that horses as well as lions and tigers, have an ear for music?

Wednesday 5 July 1769: I went on to Tyrrell's Pass.

Thursday 6 July 1769: At eleven I preached in the Court-house at Molingar,[sic] to a very genteel, and yet serious audience. In the evening I preached at Tyrell's Pass again; and on

Death of Mrs Fry

Friday, the 7th, at Edinderry. Here I received, from Joseph Fry, a particular account of his late wife, an Israelite indeed. He said, "She was a strict attendant on all the means of grace, and a sincere lover of the people of God. She had a remarkably good understanding, and much knowledge of the things of God. Though she was of an exceeding bashful temper, yet she was valiant for the truth; not sparing to speak very plain in defence of it, before persons of all conditions. Two years ago she began to lose her health, and grew worse and worse, till September 29th. On that day she was very restless. Observing her to have an unusual colour, I judged she could not continue long. She was sensible of it, and said, 'Do not go from me; for my time is short. O! it is a hard thing to die!' After a while, she said, 'Dear Jesus, shall it be so with me as with the wicked?' I was deeply affected at seeing her in such a state; yet something told me, all will be well. I exhorted her, with all my might, to lean on Jesus, and found myself unusually blessed in so doing; but still she did not seem to receive it, till I observed her jaw was fallen. I was then concerned more than ever, lest she should die without hope. I spoke with more vehemence, while she lay speechless, with her eyes up to heaven; but on a sudden she got her lips together again, and said, with a loud voice, 'Now, my love, I experience what you have said. After all, my Jesus is mine. The Devil is conquered; there, there you may see him going with shame.' She then praised God so loud, that one might hear her in the street, and added, 'Fine sport, my dear Joe, the Devil is cast.' After rejoicing in God some time, she closed her eyes; but in a little while she said, 'O was it not very pretty when the wise virgins went out in white, to meet their Lord? Yet what would their robes have signified, without his righteousness? ' and died."

The next day I went on to Dublin, and found all things as quiet as I left them. Monday, 8 April 1771: As the weather continued extremely cold, I judged it best to visit the inland counties and the south of Ireland first. So to-day I rode to Edinderry, but was constrained by the keen north wind to preach within. The case was the same at Tyrrell's Pass, on Tuesday, the 9th, where I preached in the shell of the new house.

Wednesday, 10 April 1771: I preached in the Court-house at Molingar, to a serious and decent congregation; but they seemed quite unconcerned. Those who met in the Court-house at Longford in the evening were of quite another spirit. They drank in every word, while I explained, "Lord, are there few that be saved?" Who can despair of doing good in any place? None in this kingdom seemed so barren as Longford; and that for many years. After near twenty years labour we sought fruit, but found none. But on a sudden the seed so long hid is sprung up, and promises a plentiful harvest.

Thursday, 11 April 1771: I preached at Loughan and Athlone. Friday, 12 April 1771: At Aghrim. Friday, 12 April 1771: I rode back to Athlone, where there is now no opposition either from rich or poor. The consequence of this is, there is no zeal, while the people dwell at ease. O what state upon earth is exempt from danger! When persecution arises, how many are offended! When it does not arise, how many grow cold, and leave their first love! Some perish by the storm, but far more by the calm. "Lord, save or we perish!"

Sunday, 14 April 1771: I designed to preach abroad; but the storm drove us into the house. This house was built and given, with the ground on which it stands, by a single gentleman. In Cork, one person, Mr. Thomas Janes, gave between three and four hundred pounds towards the preaching-house. Towards that in Dublin Mr. Lunel gave four hundred. I know no such benefactors among the Methodists in England.

Monday, 15 April 1771: I rode to Birr, through much hail and snow, driven in our face by a furious wind. So was the hail the next day, as we rode to Tullamore. Here likewise I lamented the want of zeal. So the Society here also is no larger than it was two years ago.

On the following days I preached at Cooley-Lough, Mountmelick, and Portarlington.

Wesley then made for Kilkenny, where the new preaching house was finished. He departed for England in late July of that year.

1773

On 26th March 1773, Wesley landed at Dun Laoghaire, and having been forbidden by his physician to ride, brought with him for the first time his chaise, which, however, he was deprived of the opportunity of using, as the commissioners of customs would not permit it to be landed. His journal tells us that the sailing was rough; at one stage the ship ran on a sand-bank and the passengers had to go ashore again. When they did actually start out, it took them three days to reach Holyhead (having embarked at Liverpool) and there were "strong gales and a rolling sea."

In Dublin Wesley examined the Society, and found it somewhat lessened in numbers. Having preached at Tyrrell's Pass, Mullingar and Longford, he came to Athlone, where a whole army of soldiers, with their officers, were present at the service.

Monday 5 April 1773: Having hired such a chaise as I could, I drove to Edinderry.

Tuesday 6 April 1773: I went on to Tyrrell's Pass.

Thursday 8 April 1773: I preached in the Court-house in Molingar in the morning, and in that at Longford in the evening, and again at eight in the morning, being Good Friday; and then went on to Athlone. I believe all the officers, with a whole army of soldiers, were present in the evening; so were most of them the next. I would fain have preached abroad on Easter-day but the rain would not permit. However, the whole congregation in the house behaved with so remarkable a seriousness, that it was good to be there; and I could not be sorry that we were driven into it.

Monday 12 April 1773: I preached at Ballinaslo and Aghrim.

Tuesday 13 April 1773: As I went into Eyre-court, the street was full of people, who gave us a loud huzza when we passed through the Market-place. I preached in the open air to a multitude of people, all civil, and most of them serious. A great awakening has been in this town lately; and many of the most notorious and profligate sinners are entirely changed and are happy witnesses of the Gospel salvation.

Tuesday 13 April 1773: I preached at Birr in the evening; Wednesday 14th, at Ferbatin [Ferbane?] and Coolylough; Thursday 15th, in the church at Clare [Clara], one of the neatest I have seen in the kingdom. In the evening I preached at Tullamore; I believe all the troopers were present.....

Friday 16 April 1773: In the evening, and at ten on Saturday, I preached at Portarlington; on Saturday evening at Mountmellick, and on Sunday, 18th, at nine, and again at twelve to an artless, earnest, serious people. In the afternoon I went on to Mountrath. The rain constrained me to preach in the house, and God was present both to wound and to heal.

From there, Wesley travelled to Kilkenny where he found the 'numerous' congregation 'almost as genteel and "full as unawakened" as that at Portarlington. On July 5th, he embarked for England, having spent a little more than three months in this country.

1775

Continuing the pattern set of coming on the Irish circuit every second year, Wesley, now in advancing years, was back in Ireland in 1775 landing at Dun Laoghaire on 2nd April. He made for the meeting house in Whitefriars Street and found some 376 members. After meetings with Dr. Rutty, Lady Moira and the Dean of St. Patrick's, he made for the Midlands.

Monday 10 April 1775: Leaving just four hundred members in the Society, I began my tour through the kingdom. I preached at Edinderry in the evening, on Tuesday and Wednesday at Tyrell's Pass. (Accompanied by Messrs. M'Nab and Bradford and met the circuit ministers Messrs. Wride, Hern and Floyd). [See Crookshank, ii, p. 51].

Thursday 13 April 1775: Sending my chaise straight to Athlone I rode to Mullingar, and thence, through miserable roads, to Longford. A large number of people attended the preaching, both in the evening and at eight in the morning, being Good Friday. But I found very little of the spirit which was here two years ago. About eleven I preached at Loughan, and in the evening at Athlone. On Sunday 16 April, Mr. M'Nab preached at Athlone at five in the morning and Mr. Wesley preached at eight. Having visited Aughrim and Eyrecourt, he then went to Birr. He wrote of Eyrecourt: I preached at Aughrim , and Tuesday noon at Eyre-Court. Afterwards, I was desired to walk down to Lord Eyre's. I was a little surprised at the inscription over the door, "Welcome to the house of liberty." Does it mean liberty from sin? It is a noble old house. The staircase is grand, [now in the United States] and so are two or three of the rooms. In the rest of the house, as well as in the ruinous outhouses, gardens, and fishponds, the owner seemed to say to every beholder, "All this profiteth me nothing!"

Monday 17 April 1775: I preached in the evening at Birr, with a good hope that God would at length revive his work.

At Clara where he was the guest of A. Armstrong, Esq. J.P., [probably of Clara House, and the town's landlord] he occupied the marketplace - Wednesday 19 April 1775: About noon I preached in the Market-place at Clara. It was the market-day, but that did not lessen the congregation. The poor people early flocked from the market, and there was no buying or selling till I concluded.

After preaching at Coolylough, Tullamore, and Portarlington (still unstable as water,) Saturday 22d, I found at Mountmellick, a little company who appeared to be better established. I spent Saturday and Sunday comfortably among them, building them up in our most holy faith.

Monday 24 April 1775: The Minister of Maryborough inviting me to preach in his church, I began reading prayer about nine, and afterwards preached to a numerous congregation. For the present, every one seemed affected. Will not some bring forth fruit with patience? In the evening I was scandalized both at the smallest and deadness of the congregation at Kilkenny. The next evening it was a little mended, but not by much. Of all the dull congregations I have seen, this was the dullest!

After this, Wesley set out for Waterford. He toured around, taking in areas such as Cork, Limerick and Sligo, headed north and then set out for Dublin. On Friday 21st, he left Dublin and came in safety to Mountmellick. On the 23rd [July 1775] Wesley having again assisted in administering the Lord's supper at St. Patrick's, embarked for England, and thus ended another memorable visit to Ireland..

1778

On April 2nd [1778], Wesley arrived in Dublin.

Having spent five days in the metropolis, he set out for the country. At Tyrrell's Pass he preached to a numerous congregation. He found the Mullingar audience more serious than he had seen there before. Tuesday 7 April 1778: I set out for the country, and reached Tyrrell's Pass: it being a mild evening, I preached to a numerous congregation. The next evening it was larger still; and the power of the Lord was present to heal. Thursday 9 April 1778: Between eight and nine I preached in the Court-house at Mullingar, to a more serious congregation than I ever saw there before. In the evening, I preached in the Court-house at Longford, to a far more numerous, and equally serious congregation.

Friday 10 April 1778: About eleven I preached at Abbydarrig, and before one, set out for Athlone. The sun shone as hot as it uses [sic] to do at midsummer. We had a comfortable time, both this evening and the next day; all being peace and harmony.....

Monday 13 April 1778: About noon I preached at Ballinaslo, to a large congregation, some of whom seemed to be much affected; so did many at Aghrim in the evening.

Tuesday 14 April 1778: I went on to Eyre-Court. The wind was now piercing cold, so that I could not preach abroad; and there was no need, for the Minister not only let me his church, but offered me a bed at his house; but I was obliged to go forward. At six in the evening, I preached at Birr, to a congregation of deeply-attentive hearers.

Wednesday 15 April 1778: I met many of my old friends at Coolylough, and had a numerous congregation in the evening.

Thursday April 16 1778, ' I preached in the riding-house at Tullamore [presumbly part of Tullamore Barracks]. The commanding officer ordered all the soldiers to be present, and attended himself with the rest of the officers, while I explained, "Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's; and unto God, the things that are God's." Friday 17 April (Good Friday) 1778 I preached at Tullamore in the morning.

Saturday 18 April 1778: I preached at Portarlington in the evening; and about eight in the morning, to a very genteel, yet attentive audience, on "Acquaint now thyself with him, and be at peace." I returned to Mountmellick before the church began, at which at I would always be present, if possible. I would fain have preached abroad in the afternoon, but the weather would not permit; so we made all the room we could in the house, and had a solemn and comfortable meeting.

Monday April 20 1778: Mr. Jenkins, the Vicar of Maryborough, read prayers; and I preached on, "Repent, and believe the Gospel". The congregation was far larger than when I was here before, and abundantly more attentive. Several Clergymen were present, and several gentlemen, but they were as serious as the poor .

Wesley then set out for Kilkenny, Clonmel, Cork and then north to take in Sligo, Clones and Lisburn and Derry. On July 19th, he embarked for Liverpool, having spent more than fifteen weeks in Ireland. The membership of the Society made steady progress and whereas in 1778 it was 402 it increased to 1,098 by 1782. (Crookshank, ii. p. 73). Such progress was possible because of the commitment of the itinerent preachers employed by the Society. One such preacher, a Mr. Payne, working at the time in the Athlone circuit, wrote to Wesley 'that he had opened seven new places in twenty-eight days, that he was invited to three more on his return to that neighbourhood, that in one parish alone he had preached in fourteen different places, and then went to Captain Armstrong's, Ballycumber, where he preached to about three hundred persons'. (Crookshank, ii, p. 85).

Wesley set out to visit Ireland in 1781 but turned back at Holyhead because of violent storms. He did not in fact return to Ireland until 1785. He had written at the commencement of his Journal for that year 'Whether this be the last or no, may it be the best year of my life.'

1785

On April 11th, John Wesley, accompanied by a Mr. Whitfield, arrived in Dublin. He was very pleased with what he saw, congregations were larger and the number of children converted was remarkable. Having spent a week in Dublin, he set out for the provinces, visiting enroute to Edenderry the cotton manufacturing concern of Captain Brooke at Properous which employed 2,000.

Tuesday 19 April 1785: I preached at ten to an uncommonly large and serious congregation at Edinderry. In the evening I preached at Tyrrell's Pass, where a small, dead Society is all that now remains. Such another I found at Coolylough, on Wednesday, 20th. (At Coolalough, or more correctly Brackagh Castle, the new residence to which the Handys had removed, the cause had undergone a similar reverse.)

Thursday 21 April 1785: Going to Athlone, I found the scene entirely changed; there had not been for many years so much life in the Society. Many of the dead members are quickened again: many are added to them; they provoke one another only to love and to good works.

Friday 22 April 1785: It is just seven years since I was here before; and I find little change in many, only that they are more dead to the world, and consequently more alive to God. And for a few that have left them, God has given them double that are either alive to God, or athirst for him.

Sunday 24 April 1785: In the afternoon I preached at the east end of the Market-house. I scarce ever saw so numerous a congregation at Athlone. And all were attentive : not a word was heard, and scarce any motion was to be seen. I trust the seed now sown will not wither away, but grow up into everlasting life.

Monday 24 April 1785: Being desired to preach at Ballinasloe, in my way to Aghrim, I stood, about eleven, in the shade of a large house, and preached to a numerous congregration of Papists and Protestants, equally attentive, on, "The Kingdom of God is at hand". As I entered Aghrim, the Rector, who was waiting at his gate, welcomed me into the country, and desired m to use his church both now and whenever I pleased. I preached there at six. It was thoroughly filled with well-behaved hearers. But the Society here, as well as that at Tyrrell's Pass, is well-nigh shrunk into nothing! Such is the baneful influence of riches! The same effect we find in every place. the more men increase in goods, (very few excepted,) the more they decrease in grace.

Tuesday 26 April 1785: I went on to Eyre-Court. here also the Minister gave me the use of his church, but the people seemed to understand little of the matter. As I had not this privilege at Birr, I went to the square, where the owner of a large house invited me to preach before it. The congregation was exceeding large; but many of them wild as colts untamed. However, the far greater part of them were seriously attentive. I am in hopes the work of God will revive here also; the rather because he has fully restored one of the most eminent backsliders in the kingdom.

Tuesday 26 April 1785, 'When I came to Tullamore, the Minister was willing that I should preach in the church, where both the soldiers and all the officers attended and our great captain was present also. (While in Tullamore, Wesley was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. Burgess see Crookshank, ii, p.141).

Thursday 28 April 1785: I supposed the house at Portarlington would have more than contained the congregation; but it would scarce contain a third part of them. So I removed to the Market-house, and preached on the General Judgement. The word was quick and powerful, so that very few seemed to be unaffected. In the evening I preached in the church at Mountmellick. Perhaps such a congregation was never there before; but the greater part of them seemed to be of Gallio's mind to "care for none of these things."

Once again, having "toured" the rest of the country and visiting his "flock", Wesley returned to Dublin on June 18th. A conference was held on July 1st, when most of the preachers in Ireland were present. On 10th July, Wesley set sail from Dublin, having spent three months in Ireland.

Monday 16 April 1787: I set out early, and preached at Prosperous, about ten, to a numerous congregation; and although I had come ten miles out of my way, I did not regret my labour. In the evening we came to Philipstown [near Daingean], which we had foresaken for near forty years; yet at length there is a prospect of good. A little Society is formed, and some troopers who are part of it, keep all the town in awe. The congregation was as quiet as that in Dublin, both in the evening and at seven in the morning. Here is seed sown once more, and God is able to give a plentiful harvest.

Wednesday 18 April 1787: The house was well filled in the morning, and we had a comfortable season; as also at Coolylough, in the evening where God spoke to many hearts.....

Friday 20 April 1787: I went to Athlone, and preached in the evening to a congregation of deeper experience than any I had seen since I left Dublin; yet the next day I thought it expedient to press upon them the advise of the Apostle, "Let him that assuredly standeth," (so it should be rendered,) "take heed lest he fall". From here Wesley made his way to Ballinasloe, Aughrim, Eyre-Court and Birr.

Monday 23 April 1789: There has been lately a great shaking among the dry bones here. The congregations are much increased, and hear with deep attention, and several members have been added to the Society. I would fain have preached in the Square, as I did before, but the wind and rain did not permit; so as many as could, crowded into the preaching-house. I preached on, "I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ;" a subject which, it seemed, suited the hearers, many of whom are hindered chiefly by evil shame from being altogether Christians.

Wednesday 25 April 1787, 'I once more visited my old friends at Tullamore. Have all the balloons in Europe done so much good as can counterbalance the harm which one of them did here a year or two age? It took fire in its flight and dropped it down on one and another of the thatched houses so fast that it was not possible to quench it, till most of the town was burnt down. I preached in the assembly room to a large congregation, a few of whom are still alive to God. In the morning, for the sake of Mathew Moor I preached in his parlour to as many as that and the other rooms would contain ... [I believe this is the house now occupied by Fra Insurance Brokers and others at O'Connor Square.

Thursday 26 April 1787: At noon I preached at Portarlington, not in the noisy Market-place, but in our own house, thoroughly filled with attentive hearers. In the evening I preached in the church at Mountmellick, larger than either that at Eyre-Court or Aghrim; and the whole congregation behaved well. I have seen few such since I left Dublin.

Friday 27 April 1787: We went to Kilkenny, nine and twenty Irish miles from Mountmellick. Religion was here at a low ebb, and scarce any Society left, when God sent three troops of horse, several of whom are full of faith and love. Since they came, the work of God has revived. I never saw the house so filled since it was built: and the power of God seemed to rest upon the congregation, as if he would still have a people in this place.

1789:

John Wesley accompanied by Mr. Bradford visited Ireland for the twenty-first and last time in 1789. After a stormy and protracted voyage he arrived in Dublin on Sunday morning, March the 29th.

On April 13th, Wesley left the metropolis to make his last tour through the provinces. As on his first visit he headed directly to the Midlands.

Tuesday, 14th April 1789: We had another good opportunity at seven in the morning, Tuesday, 14th, which we closed with a serious, pointed conversation, and then went on to Tyrrell's Pass.

Though the wind was piercing cold, the multitude of people obliged me to preach abroad in the evening; after which, I gave them all a plain account of the design of Methodism; namely not to separate from the Church, but to unite together all the children of God that were scattered abroad.

Wednesday 15 April 1789: About ten I preached to a small congregation in the Court-house, in Molingar. We had a far different congregation both as to number and spirit in Longford Court-house, in the evening. It was a beautiful sight. Great part of them came again at seven in the morning, and seemed to relish those words, " He that doeth the will of God , the same is my brother, and sister, and mother"............................

Friday 17 April 1789: I came to my old friends at Athlone; but to my surprise, I found them heaps upon heaps. I hastened to hear the contending parties face to face, and was amazed to find how much matter a little fire kindles. Some of the Leaders had causelessly taken offence at the Assistant. He called on Mr. R., and warned him against imbibing the same prejudice, telling him, "If he did, he must beware of the consequence," (meaning there by the mischief it would do among the people.) Misunderstanding this word, he grew very angry; others took part with him, and the Society was in an uproar. I talked with him till I was tired; but in vain: one might as well have talked to the north wind. So I gave him up to God, and only endeavoured to quench the flame among the people...................................

Tuesday 21 April 1789: About ten, I preached in Eyre-Court church, so filled as I suppose it never was before; and many of the hearers seemed to feel the word. Thence we went on to Birr: how is the scene changed here! One of the dullest places in Ireland is become one of the liveliest!. But I could not preach abroad in the evening, by reason of the rain. So we made all the room we could in the room, and in the yard; and a most solemn opportunity we had.

Wednesday 22 April 1789: About noon I preached in the beautiful new Court-house, at Tullamore. Deep attention sat on the rich as well as the poor; as it did likewise at Coolylough in the evening [This a reference to the newly completed Market House in O'Connor Square].

Thursday 23 April 1789: Being the Thanksgiving -day for the recovery of his Majesty's health, [George III's first bout of madness]. I preached in the Court-house, at Portarlington, as soon as the Church service ended. The congregation was exceeding well-dressed, but exceeding careless and ill-behaved. At six, I preached in the church at Mountmellick, exceedingly crowded with hearers of quite another kind. They were all attention, and, in the morning, filled the preaching house.

Friday 24 April 1789: The church at Maryborough was far larger, and one of the most elegant that I have seen in the Kingdom. It was thoroughly filled in the evening , although many of the hearers looked as if they had not been in a church before; but in half an hour they were serious as death; and in the morning , Saturday, 25th, the lower part of the church was well filled. surely many will remember that day. In the evening I preached in our preaching house in Carlow, where, that I might not overshoot the congregation, I preached on, "So teach us to number our days, that we may apply ours hearts unto wisdom".

On Sunday, July the 12th, Wesley preached his farewell sermon in Ireland in Marlborough Street. He was near in his eighty-sixth year. He wrote of himself on 28 June 1789. "This day I enter on my eighty-sixth year. I now find I grow old. My sight is decayed, so that I cannot read a small print, unless in a strong light; My strength is decayed, so that I walk much slower than I did some years since; My memory of names, whether of persons or places, is decayed, till I stop a little to recollect them. What I should be afraid of is, if I took thought for the morrow, that my body should weigh down my mind, and create either stubbornness, by the decrease of my understanding, or peevishness, by the increase of bodily infirmities: but thou shalt answer for me, O Lord my God. John Wesley died on 2nd of March 1791 in his 88th year.

His Journal is a remarkable record of his commitment to preaching the Gospel of Peace. The incidental details throw light on the towns he visited and provide comment on historical movements often not to be found elsewhere. In another series at a later date I hope to look at the development of Methodism in Offaly from the death of Wesley to the present day.

There are a whole series of records that need to be pulled together to do a major study of a town for research purposes. Such a study will, in passing, result in a considerable amount of family history detail which is not always of particular interest to urban historians, unless it should, for example disclose the career of a developer who was responsible for a number of building projects or an architect or a merchant involved in enterprising schemes. An aspect of course, that will be important is the study of population in regard to family size, age at marriage, number of assistants helping, servants, style of house, intensity of land use and so on.

I would like to recommend to you as a good basis for research that the work commence with either the current situation or the position in 1901 as and from the census of that year and also the 1911 census. The 1901 and 1911 censuses will provide a benchmark for research and provide much valuable family history information along the way. My own approach to a fact-gathering exercise that I am involved with at present for Tullamore (prior to an analysis) I set out below, and it is a course that I would recommend for family history enthusiasts seeking to unearth either:

1. the history of a particular family, or
2. the history of a particular house and its various residents.

I will start with the present situation and work back using Co. Offaly material to illustrate the variety of sources many of which are applicable to all towns.
Because my interest in family history is a sidelight to urban history and Irish historical studies generally, I want to particularly recommend the following publications:
Studying Family and Community History: 19th and 20th centuries (4 volumes, Cambridge, 1994).

• Volume 1 From family tree to family history (Ruth Finnegan and Michael Drake, editors)
• Volume 2 From family history to community history (W.T.R. Pryce, ed.)
• Volume 3 Communities and families (John Golby, ed.)
• Volume 4 Surveys and methods for family and community histories: a handbook (Michael Drake and Ruth Finnegan, editors).

The fourth volume in the series is particularly useful for United Kingdom and Irish readers.
For the general background to Irish towns one can consult the two volumes of Thomas Davis lectures on the subject edited by Anngret Simms and J. H. Andrews:

Irish Country Towns (Dublin, 1994)
More Irish Country Towns (Dublin, 1995)
See also Howard B. Clarke (ed.) Irish Cities (Dublin, 1995)
Also emerging as a valuable source is The Atlas of Irish Historic Towns: editors J. H. Andrews, A. Simms, H. B. Clarke, R. Gillespie, no. 1 Kildare by J. H. Andrews (1986), no. 2 Carrickfergus by P. Robinson (1986), no. 3 Bandon by P. O'Flanagan (1988), no. 4 Kells by A. Simms with K. Simms (1990), no. 5 Mullingar by J. H. Andrews with K. M. Davies (1992), no. 6 Athlone by H. Murtagh (1994), no. 7 Maynooth by A. A. Horner (1995), no. 8 Downpatrick by R. H. Buchanan and A. Wilson (1996), Royal Irish Academy, Dublin.

Town Records:
For general and valuable material on the growth and development of Irish towns see the select bibliography in B.J. Graham and L.J. Proudfoot (eds.)
Urban improvement in provincial Ireland, 1700 - 1840 (Athlone, 1994).
Records of the manor courts and councils of Irish towns, where available, contain useful genealogical material. See, for example, T. Fogarty (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Drogheda from the year 1649 to 1734 (Drogheda , 1915 reprinted Cork 1988). Another example is Brian O' Dalaigh (ed.) The Corporation Book of Ennis. (Dublin, 1990) Philomena Connolly and Geoffrey Martin (editors), The Dublin Guild Merchant Roll, 1190 - 1265 (Dublin, 1992) - lists some 8,400 men and three women. Jean Agnew, 'Sources for the history of Belfast in the 17th and early 18th centuries' in Familia, vol. ii, no. 8 (1992), pp 150 - 158. 'An alphabetical list of the Freemen of the city of Dublin, 1774 - 1824' in The Irish Ancestor, vol. xv, numbers 1 and 2 (1983), pp 1 - 133. See also Mary Clark, 'Sources for Irish freemen' in Aspects of Irish genealogy (Dublin, 1993), pp 44 - 53. This is a useful source list for a number of cities and towns in a book which alongside Falley, Begley (ed.), Grenham and Ryan is very useful. Finally reference should be made to the county history series pioneered by William Nolan of Geography Publications.

1. William Nolan (ed.) Tipperary History and Society (Dublin, 1985)
2. Kevin Whelan (ed.) Wexford: History and Society. (Dublin, 1987)
3. William Nolan and Kevin Whelan (editors), Kilkenny History and Society (Dublin, 1990)
4. F.H.A. Aalen and Kevin Whelan (editors), Dublin: city and county: from prehistory to present. (Dublin, 1992)
5. William Nolan and Thomas P. Power (editors), Waterford: History and Society (Dublin, 1992).
6. Patrick O' Flanagan and Cornelius F. Buttimer (editors), Cork:History and Society (Dublin, 1993)
7. Ken Hanigan and William Nolan (eds), Wicklow: History and Society (Dublin, 1994).

1. CENSUS DATA

There is little need for me to elaborate on what is contained in the 1901 and 1911 censuses, save that these are, as you know, extremely valuable sources for urban history. They have been used to a small extent in urban studies, but have not been used to any significant extent in family history studies as yet. The 1901 census, for example, will provide a snapshot of the resident of every household in an urban area in 1901. The picture can then be compared with that in 1911, for continuity of occupancy, change in family size and family circumstances.

For those fortunate enough to have the 1821 census, (the Ballybritt barony including Birr town survives for 1821), one has an immediate connection through an urban study with occupancy and family history over a span of almost 100 years.
Recently published guides to Irish census material include the following:

1. Sean Murphy 'A primer in Irish genealogy' in Irish Roots (1995, no. 3), pp 10 - 11.
2. Rosemary ffolliott 'Irish census returns and census subsitutes' in Donal Begley (ed.) Irish Genealogy: a record finder (Dublin, 1981), pp 51 - 74.
3. James G. Ryan Irish Records: sources for family and local history (Salt Lake City, 1988).
4. John Grenham Tracing Your Irish Ancestors (Dublin, 1992), pp 13 - 21.
5. Judith Eccles Wright 'Census substitutes' in Irish Roots (1995, No. 2), pp 6-7 - deals principally with the locations of Grand Jury presentment books.
6. S. A. Royle, 'Irish Manuscript census records: a neglected source of information' in Irish Geography vol. II (1978), pp 110 - 125. This article besides being the first in the field has a useful bibliography.

The above are but the useful introductory pieces. Numerous books and articles have been published by way of regional studies, for example, the Farrell guides to exploring family origins in Cavan, Longford and Leitrim and on the 1841 census Kevin O'Neill, Family and farm in pre-Famine Ireland: the parish of Killashandra (Wisconsin, 1984)..

2. ORDNANCE MAPS

This is an important source for the reason that we are getting a grip on each property, its exact location, and using the valuation numbers which I will deal with in a moment, it is possible to plot each house number and accord it a number consistent with the primary valuation records of 1843/60s. I need not here elaborate on the various guides that have been published to the ordnance maps. Suffice it to say that important surveys will include the following:

1. the town plans of the 1830s, which are (or were) housed in the Ordnance Survey and were done at the same time as the six inch maps.
2. the six inch maps themselves published in the 1830s and 1840s. However, these maps lack the large scale detail which can be useful.
3. the valuation maps of the 1840s and 1850s are an essential source for use in conjunction with Griffith's Valuation.
4. the large scale town plans which were carried out in the 1860s, 1870s and 1880s for certain towns are extremely useful.
5. the six-inch and twenty-five inch scale surveys at the turn of the century. These surveys were the last conducted until the Ordnance Survey prepared new town maps on the metric scale in recent years. The conjunction of all these maps and their close study will pinpoint ancestor residences, the types of houses, number of extensions to a property and other improvements.

I have found the most useful guide to the Ordnance Survey maps to be that of J. H. Andrews History in the Ordnance Map (Dublin, 1974). There are also valuable pre-Ordnance Survey estate maps for many towns which can often include tenants' schedules.

3. VALUATION RECORDS

After the census and maps I would put valuation records as an important source, again because of the effective coverage of these records. In this regard I would mention the manuscript town surveys housed in the National Archive which, in the case of Tullamore, for example, provide details of the quality and type of house occupied, rental values in the 1840s and can be compared and contrasted with the valuations provided in the printed valuation, known as Griffith's Valuation, of the 1850s.

Griffith's Valuation
The primary valuation of rateable property in Ireland otherwise known as Griffith's valuation is another source which is comprehensive in its coverage. Andrews in his History in the Ordnance Map (Dublin, 1974), p. 56 states:

'With the introduction of a new local rating system as a result of the Irish relief act of 1838 the State assumed responsibility for the valuing of single tenements as well as whole townlands. At first this duty was delegated to the county authorities but later it was transferred to Griffith, whose valuators now began to map farm boundaries instead of soil boundaries. Where necessary these boundaries were established by means of a pecial chain survey, but most of them coincided with streams or fences already on the maps.'

In 1852 the government resolved to complete the valuation of the whole country on a uniform plan. The new figures were printed and published in books [over 200 were published] containing the name of every occupier of land or buildings, the name of the immediate lesor, a brief description of the tenement (distinguishing industrial and public buildings from dwelling houses), the area of the tenement in statute measure to the nearest perch, and separate valuations for land and buildings. There were also references to the appropriate sheet of the published six-inch map and to the number assigned by the valuators to each tenement within its townland. The same tenement numbers appeared again on the Valuation Office copy of the map as a handwritten annotation in red ink. 'Taken together, the printed book and the annotated map gave an almost complete picture of the tenurial geography of mid-nineteenth century Ireland.'

The valuation maps are housed in the Valuation Office at Ely Place Dublin (students may consult them and other records for a fee). The King's County (County Offaly) valuation, for example, is covered in several volumes classified by poor law union and townland, and in the case of towns street by street; see the valuation books for the unions of Tullamore, Parsonstown, Edenderry, Roscrea and Mountmellick. No overall valuation of the country has been carried out since the 1850s but the primary valuation has been revised many times which makes it possible to trace the successive occupants of houses and land after 1860 and up to the present day and also in some cases the reason for an increased valuation such as a new shop front or improvements to a dwelling. This information is available in manuscript books at the Valuation Office.

The manuscript valuation which preceeded the printed valuation can be consulted at the National Archive and is of great importance. In the case of towns not only are the occupants given but also the use to which the house was put if other than a private dwelling. Of course, the occupant in the period when the manuscript valuation was carried out (Tullamore 1843 and revised 1844) may differ from the occupant in 1854 when the printed valuation appeared. Good descriptions are given of houses and their class (according to a system which the valuators used) and industrial concerns are often well described. The numbering system in the manuscript valuation may differ from that in the printed valuation but after a little study it becomes easy to establish on what side and at what end of the street the valuator started, it can be then linked up with the printed valuation. Apart from the general guides to sources such as Falley (1962, reprinted 1988), and Grenham (1992). I would commend the short piece on 'The Valuation Office' in Irish Roots (1993, number 3), pp 10 - 11.

Tithe Composition applotment books
The tithe composition applotment books provide a detailed account of the occupiers of land with the extent and value of their individual farms at a point within the period 1823 to 1837. Simington in his article 'The tithe composition applotment books' in Anal. Hib. (no. 10, July, 1941), pp 295 - 8 stated:

'The origin of these books descriptive of every parish in Ireland, excepting cities and the larger towns, resides in the act of parliament of July, 1823 providing for the substitution of a money payment in respect of tithes in the place of that formerly rendered in kind. The new method of tithe payment involved a valuation of the country, parish by parish.... The Tithe Composition Books [now in the National Archive].... are the record and expression of that valuation, and as such uniformly show the denominations of land, titheable, comprising each parish, the landholders, the areas of the farms, their valuations and the proportion of future tithe payable.'

Sometimes a map will be found with a parish survey. Another useful article on the books appears in Ir. Geography, iii, no. 5 (1958), pp 254 - 62. The article by J. H. Johnson is concerned with the applotment books as a source for land use, farm size and their use in placename study and the reconstruction of parish boundaries.

4. LEGAL RECORDS

Legal records are difficult to access and not always easy to understand or use unless one is in the business of conveyancing and transferring of land. However, the essentials are clearcut enough. First of all it should be said that most land in urban areas in Ireland is what is known as unregistered land as distinct from registered land which is that which has a folio and file plan, i.e. a large book with separate maps contained in a register which will be found in the Land Registry and which for registered land provides clear authority for the ownership and mapping of property. However, outside of the counties of Meath, Carlow, Laois (the three compulsory registration counties), most of the current transactions for urban areas still involve what is known as unregistered land. Unregistered land is essentially where one gets a bundle of deeds for a property and these documents provide not certification but prima facie evidence that the title is as represented in the deeds and documents. Some of these documents will have maps attached which will be extremely helpful in identifying the plots of ground involved in the conveyancing transactions. However, it should be pointed out that the originals of these documents are not easily accessed as they are generally held by building societies and banks or by the owners of the properties and all that the researcher can get access to usually are memorials or summaries of these documents from the Registry of Deeds. Almost all unregistered land transactions nowadays are registered in the Registry of Deeds but this was not always the case, particularly in relation to what might be regarded as second-rate property in the nineteenth century and certainly so in the eighteenth century.

The Registry of Deeds
A small amount of legal knowledge is required to distinguish between conveyances of freeholds, conveyances of fee-farm grants which are virtually freeholds subject to a rent and assignments of leaseholds which can be what are known as long-leases and rack-rent leases. The long leases are the format under which apartments are sold nowadays and are effectively freeholds but subject to various covenants and rents. The short leases are what are used for shopping centres where the rent is increased every five years or so and often times these sort of leases are not registered in the Registry of Deeds because they may not exceed twenty-one years. Only when a lease was in excess of twenty-one years was there an obligation to register. I should also say that the onus is on the purchaser of property to ensure that he/she registers the transaction in the Registry of Deeds. The Registry of Deeds, certainly for main street houses such as one would find in Ennis or Galway or the city of Dublin will provide a fairly comprehensive picture of land transactions for over 300 years or from the time that the house was constructed or the headlease granted up to the present day.
Some leases are quite informative as to

1. witnesses
2. consideration
3. the various covenants

However, the current trend is to keep the memorials as short as possible which may be suitable to lawyers but is not going to help in historical research. For certain towns and cities the Registry of Deeds will be a mine of information, for example, a place such as Dawson Street, Dublin or Ship Street, Galway will probably have a Registry of Deeds history back to near the founding of the registry in 1708, in terms of the registration of transactions.

The preservation of legal records is of the utmost importance because a bundle of title documents will usually disclose information additional to what would be registered in the Registry of Deeds and as such will give a more comprehensive picture and probably a better history of the familes involved. Associated documents will be marriage settlements, wills, family settlements, receipts and so forth.

The registry was set up in 1708 'for securing purchases, preventing forgeries and fraudulent gifts and conveyances of land, tenements and hereditaments, which have been frequently practised in this kingdom, especially by papists, to the great prejudice of the Protestant interest thereof' or in short to supplement the penal laws, the number of which was increased in the period following the Williamite wars, though the amount of land in catholic hands by 1703 was no more than 14 per cent. For a guide to the registry see:

1. P. B. Phair, ' A guide to the registry of Deeds' in Anal. Hib., no 23 (1966), pp 259-76
2. Peter Roebuck, 'The Irish Registry of Deeds' in Irish Historical Studies, xviii, no 69 (March, 1972), pp 61-73.
3. Rosemary ffolliott, 'The Registry of Deeds for genealogical purposes' in Donal Begley (ed.) Irish Genealogy: a record finder (Dublin, 1981), pp 139 - 156.
4. Jean Agnew 'How to use the Registry of Deeds in Ireland' in Familia, voll. ii, no.6 (1990), pp 78 - 84.
5. Kevin O'Rourke and Ben Polak 'Property transactions in Ireland, 1708 - 1988; an introduction' in Irish economic and social history, volume xxi (1994), pp 58 - 71.

This article provides in the appendix the total number of property transactions in Ireland, 1708 - 1988. For anyone wanting to get heavily involved in property and not being clear about the significance of the deeds and their meaning one can look at Wiley's Irish Land Law and for short introductions to title deeds N. W. Alcock, Old Title Deeds (Phillimore, 1986) and Title Deeds A. A. Dibben (The Historical Association, 1971).

The registry is of tremendous importance to historians, especially those concerned with the eighteenth century, and there are some signs now that this is at last being realised. Besides its value to the student of family history it can be of use in tracing the pattern of urban settlement. To the historian of an estate it may help him to determine when additions to an estate were made, or perhaps portions sold. The registry is particularly valuable when the estate office type material no longer survives. For an example of its use in this area see Arnold Horner 'Carton, Co Kildare : a case study of the making of an Irish demesne' in Georgian Soc. Quar. Bull., xviii (1975), pp 55-104.

Regarding the registry and its procedures it may be said that a deed between the period 1708 and 1832 was any document signed sealed and delivered and as such was considered capable of registration. In 1832 an act was passed which in practice limited registration to deeds affecting lands in Ireland. Registration is effected by the enrolment in the registry of a memorial which contains the essential details of the original deed. By 1832 the number of memorials of deeds registered amounted to 588,983 and by the 1930s more than two and a quarter million documents were on record. Full copies of the memorial are contained in transcript books which date from 1708 and are indexed by place (generally, barony and townland , and corporate town ) and by name of grantor (there is no index of grantees). The place index is not now used and searches are carried out under the grantor's name and not that of the grantee. This is important to remember because you will need to know who granted the property, or search for a longer period in the hope of finding a grantee who eventually becomes a grantor with the deed reciting the history of the property. The registry is situated in King's Inn, Henrietta Street, Dublin. A scale of fees is in operation for members of the public who wish to search the registry.

The registry as a source for the economic development of towns, Tullamore in 1750:
'Thomas Wilson of Tullamore, wool comber, assigned to Benjamin Wilson of Mount Wilson, Farmer, all his, Thomas Wilson's interest in the house and concern at Tullamore in which he then dwelt... all his real estate in Ireland. Thomas also made over to Benjamin his personal estate....'all his stock in trade in the tanyard at Tullamore and all hides leather and bark therein, and all vatts and utensils then made use and contained in the said tanyard and also his stock in trade in the woolen manufacture consisting of wool worsted and other particulars ....(Wilson to Wilson, 13 June 1750, Reg. Deeds, mem. 81-457-121324)
In the case of the Wilson house the coverage in the registry seems to be very full but the original deeds often have maps which are absent from the transcripts in the registry together with additional material which may not have been registered.

The records of the Encumbered Estates Court
Landlords suffered in the depression which occurred after the Napoleonic wars: rents declined and arrears rose, but many landlords failed to realise the weakness in their position and continued to live as they had done before 1815. Estates were charged beyond their value with mortgage payments and payment due to widows and family members. The famine brought the situation to crisis point: the crippling poor rate and further diminished rent left many landlords with heavily embarrassed estates. It was to facilitate the conveyance of these estates that the Encumbered Estates Act of 1849 was passed. The act empowered an 'Encumbered Estates Court' to sell estates either on application from the owners or those who had claims on the estate. Between 1849 and 1857 over 3,000 estates were sold under the terms of the act.

The records of the court are in the National Archive and are indexed. The particulars regarding each estate to be sold are useful, for example, in the town of Tullamore one estate was sold - the property of Robert Belton. The property consisted of houses in Patrick Street and Tea Lane, about 37 in all and let to tenants at rents from 4d to £2 per week. Many of the tenants held on a weekly basis their occupancy of a house being 'determinable every Friday'. the freehold reversion in the houses was sold in 1856 for £105. For an account of the background to the act see the article by Padraig Lane 'The Encumbered Estate Court' in The Economic and Social Review, iii no.3 (April, 1972), pp 413-53. See also Padraig G. Lane 'The impact of the Encumbered Estates Court upon the landlords of Galway and Mayo' in Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, vol. 38, 1981/82 pp 45 - 58 and Padraig G. Lane 'The management of estates by financial corporations in Ireland after the famine' in Studia Hibernica no. 14 (1974), pp 67 - 89.

5. LANDLORD ESTATE RECORDS

Landed estate records are of immense importance in that now, one is getting an overview of what went on in a particular town or estate with a series of lists of tenants names, rents being paid, improvements being carried out and policy relating to the estate. Typically landlords are giving leases for town plots as early as the 1720s and often these leases were for three lives and renewable forever. The leases themselves will, if registered recite who the lives were and a renewal fine may tell us who the lease was renewed in the name of and who the new lives are. The lives were often family members and relations and such information can also be helpful in trying to establish links within a family. Generally landlords did not dispose of land by freehold or 999 year lease, and instead in Ireland choose to lease for lives or let land on shorter terms. The benefit being to the landlord that:

1. through the covenants in the lease the landlord could control development in the town and try and bring it about in an orderly fashion.
2. it led to town expansion.
3. it provided a regular income over many years for the landlord.
4. it provided votes for political patronage.

Many of the large Dublin estates for example, Pembroke, Meath, Longford continue to sell the freeholds of leases which were created back two and three hundred years ago.
According to the 1876 list of landowners for King's County there were 785 persons with 491,527 acres of land or virtually the whole county. Lords Digby, Charleville and Rosse held 79,000 acres between them while Lieut. Colonel Thomas Bernard and the Marquess of Downshire held roughly 16,000 and 14,000 acres respectively. With the exception of the Downshire estate at Edenderry no work has been done on King's County estates. W. A. Maguire in his The Downshire estates in Ireland, 1801 - 45 (Oxford, 1972) provide valuable material on the situation at Edenderry before the Famine:

'The bottom layer of society at Edenderry was composed of landless labourers, many of whom were reduced to beggary by unemployment. Most of these beggars or near-beggars seem to have existed in the neighbourhood of the town, but some squatters were on the edge of the bog. In bad times the position of these unfortunates became desperate. In June 1817 a period of famine, Brownrigg [the agent] reported that about 100 families, excluding common beggars, were receiving relief from a local distress fund '.... Downshire estates p. 224.

Perhaps a more useful book for schools and the general reader is W. A. Maguire's Letters of a great Irish landlord (HMSO, 1974) where there are many letters concerning the Edenderry estates and some interesting illustrations.

Some information on King's County estates, and on estates in general will be found in the facsimiles of documents compiled by the National Library and published as The landed gentry (Dublin, 1977). Calendars of estate papers have been published, see for example, The Inchiquin manuscripts, John Ainsworth (ed.), I.M.C. (Dublin, 1961). Ainsworth and MacLysaght surveyed collections in many Irish estate offices and reports on the work will be found in Anal. Hib. no. 15 (1944), no. 20 (1958), no. 23 (1966) and no. 25 (1967). In no. 25 is a calendar of the Dunne papers, 1608 to 1886, while in no. 23 several collections relating to Offaly are listed as having been surveyed and reported on. Typescript reports on the estate collections will be found in the manuscripts reading room in the National Library. Those interested in Offaly estates, for example, should note the following collections:

Atkinson, Cangort, Shinrone, 1639 - 1856 (now in NLI)
Bennett, 1719 - 1836 (in private keeping)
Biddulph, 1650 - 1851 (in private keeping)
Bouchier (Charleville estate office, Tullamore), 1709 - 1871 (in private keeping)
Goodbody, 1788 - 1855 (in private keeping)
Hoey & Denning, Tullamore 1636 - 1898 (Offaly County Library)
Ridgeway, 1620 - 1836 (in NLI)
Rolleston, Dunkerrin, 1610 - 1870 (in NLI)
Sale, 1709 - 1865 (in private keeping)
Synge, 1670 - 1847 (part of in NLI and remainder in private keeping)
Walshe, Birr , 1706 - 1821
NLI = National Library of Ireland

Other references to estate material and to the above can be followed in Hayes, Manuscript Sources, which is useful for all counties.

Apart from its use in tracing landownership, estate office material may contain information on the problems of land-tenure and the management of the estate. Where the estate includes a town (very often) the surviving estate papers could be useful for tracing the building pattern; for articles looking at this aspect see W. A. Maguire, 'The 1822 settlement of the Donegall estates' in Irish Economic and Social History, iii (1976), pp 17 - 22 and C. W. Chalklin, The provincial towns of Georgian England: a study of the building process, 1740 - 1820 (London, 1974). Estate office material may also be of use to the historian of the landscape as shown by William Smyth in an article in Ir. Geography, ix (1976). See also: Susan Hood, 'Birr, County Offaly: its history and its records' in Irish Roots, 1995, No. 3, pp 27 - 29. Miss Hood also has a useful article on sources for estate towns, Susan E. Hood ' New sources for the history of estate towns in eighteenth and nineteenth century Ireland' in M. D. Evans and Eileen O' Duill (editors) Aspects of Irish Genealogy: proceedings of the 1st Irish genealogical congress (Dublin, 1993), pp 150 - 161. James Donnelly made wonderful use of estate office records in his The Land and the people of nineteenth century Cork (London, 1975). See also 'The Land Commission' in Irish Roots (1994, No 4), pp 18-19. A recent publication is the Maynooth Studies in Local History series, Ennis in the 18th century: Portrait of an Urban Community by Brian O' Dalaigh (Dublin, 1995) which illustrates the difficulties of the impecunious earl of Thomond who sold much of his town property by way of fee farm grant over the years 1707 - 1712 (O'Dalaigh, p. 37). See also L. A. Clarkson 'An anatomy of an Irish town: the economy of Armagh 1770' in Irish Economic and Social History, vol. v. (1978) pp 27 - 45.

6. LANDOWNERSHIP CHANGES, 1550 - 1700

In 1557 the Irish parliament authorised the confiscation of Leix and Offaly. The confiscation and attempted colonisation was a new departure in English policy, an attempt to extend the borders of the Pale so as to include the area the inhabitants of which had been the greatest scourge to the Palesmen; for the general background see A new history of Ireland, iii (1976). Very little detailed work on the plantation is readily available but see Robert Dunlop 'The plantation of Leix and Offaly 1556 - 1622' in English Historical. Review., vi, (1891), pages 61 - 96 . In 1968 D. G. White completed his Ph.D. thesis which dealt largely with the Leix and Offaly plantation in its early stages - 'The Tudor plantations in Ireland before 1571' (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1968). There is a massive amount of information in this thesis for historians of the two counties; for an indication of White's line of argument see D. G. White, 'The reign of Edward VI in Ireland: some political, social and economic aspects', in Irish Historical Studies, xiv, no. 55 (Mar., 1965), pp 197 - 211. For historians of south Offaly there is N. D. Atkinson's, 'The plantation of Ely O'Carroll, 1619 - 93' (M. Litt thesis, 1958, in Trinity College Library), which is useful for the events leading up to the incorporation of Ely O'Carroll into the King's County in 1605 but it could hardly be said to be the definitive work on the subject. A large part of the King's County was planted in the reign of James I; see the map in A new history of Ireland, iii (1976), p. 220 and the discussion by Aidan Clarke.

As to original material on the period the reader could start with Edmund Curtis (ed.), 'A survey of Offaly in 1550' in Hermathena, xlv (1930), pp 312 - 52 with an important map. This is a survey of the O'Connor lordship, by inquisition, and sworn before the King's surveyor, Walter Cowley. In his preface to the document Curtis said:

'The survey is the first detailed picture, I think, that we have on the English side for the powers and prerogatives of a typical Gaelic dynast of the days when the "lords of countries" flourished unbroken. It is the first statistical account of such a country carried out by legal forms, according to the newer methods of the Tudor age.' (Curtis, ibid., p. 316).

Fiants
A useful guide to the status and form of official records is Herbert Wood's, A guide to the records deposited in the Public Record Office of Ireland (Dublin, 1919).

'Fiants are warrants to Chancery, authorising the issue of letters patent under the great seal ... They took their name from the first word of the usual form "Fiant literae patentes," "Let letters patent be made," with which the instrument commenced. They were made for grants of land of office, leases of land, fairs and markets, presentations, pensions, pardons, inventions, leave of absence, charters, commissions, etc.... (Wood, ibid., pp 10 - 11).

The fiants were destroyed in 1922 but a calendar for the period Henry VIII - Elizabeth survives, see the Reports of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Record Office of Ireland, nos. 7 - 22 (Dublin, 1875 - 90). Eamonn De Burca did a great service to Irish history and genealogy with his reprint of the fiants of the Tudors in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Soverigns. (four vols., Dublin, 1994). These Tudor fiants record an estimated 120,000 names of individuals. The reprint is prefaced by a useful introduction from Kenneth Nicholls. Fiants vary in the amount of information they give. For example, in fiant Elizabeth 474 are set out the terms of the grant of lands at Edenderry to Henry Colley in 1563; similar conditions applied to other soldier-farmers who were granted portions of the lands of the expropriated native Irish.

'Grant to Henry Cowleye [or Colley], of Castelcowl[eye], of lands of Eddendirry alias Cowleyston, King's co., the lands of Eddendirry alias Cowleyston, Dromcowley, half Bally-m'quillin, Ballyntogher, Aghergarrowe, all Ardevasse, Ballyekylln, Balleanam, Codd, Clonmollen, Clonmyne and Shanbally, and the Shean, same co. To hold in tail male, by the service of a twentieth part of a knight's fee, and a rent of £4 17s 10d., during the first seven years, and of £7 6s. 9d. thereafter. Grantee to attend when called on, with the greater part of his servants and tenants armed, with victuals for three days, for defence of the country, and after seven years to attend all hostings; to maintain four English horsemen; to give one ploughday for each plough on his lands, or to do such work as the constable of the castle of Phillipiston may appoint. The lord lieutenant to have power to take as much wood as may be required for buildings in the county. Grantee not to use the Breawne (Brehon) law against any subject answerable to the laws of the kingdon; his sons and principal servants to use the English language, dress and rule as far as they reasonably can. He is to appear before the constable or the sheriff, on the 1st September annually, with all the men under his government, between 16 and 60, who bear arms, and deliver their names, they answering for their deeds during the year, or in default he is to give satisfaction. He shall not maintain any man of Irish blood accustomed to bear arms born outside the county, without license of the constable and a majority of the free tenants of the county. He shall keep open or closed all fords on his lands as the constable shall appoint, shall not destroy any casle, bridge, pavement, or togher, except fords adjoining an Irish country; shall not receive or attend to anyone or assist in incursions....' (Appendix to the Eleventh Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland (Dublin, 1879) page 83).

Patent Rolls
These are valuable historical documents which contain similar material to that in the fiants. The originals have been destroyed but calendars were printed in the last century. For a guide to what is in print see the bibliography in A new history of Ireland iii, (1976) p. 650 and Wood's Guide to the P.R.O.I. pp 14 - 15.

Those interested in the plantation of King's County which occurred under James I will find the Irish Manuscripts Commission publication Irish patent rolls of James I: facsimile of the Irish Record commission's calendar prepared prior to 1830 with a foreword by M. C. Griffith (Dublin, 1966) most useful despite the fact that no index has been provided. For a review of this which illustrates the shortcomings of the calendar with material relating to Birr see Irish Historical Studies, vol. xv, no. 60 (September 1967), pp 480 - 81. The grant of 'the castle and fortilage of Birr' (26 June, 18 James I, page 467) and the grant of Tullamore - 'the castle, town and lands of Tullaghmore and I water-mill...' (23 April, 20 James I, page 542).

Inquisitions
Broadly there are two types, Chancery inquisitions and Exchequer inquisitions. Printed calendars of the Chancery inquisitions are available for Leinster and Ulster while manuscript copies of the Exchequer inquisitions may be seen at the National Archive. The printed Chancery inquisitions published as Inquisitionum in officio rotulorum cancellariae Hiberniae asservatum repertorium, 2 vols, Dublin, 1826 - 9) contain two categories, inquisitions post morten and inquisitions on attainder. Of the former it may be said: 'These were taken under commissions directed to the Escheators of each province, and others joined with them, to find, by oath of a jury, what lands a person died siezed of, by what rents and services they were held, and who was the next heir and his age, by which the right of the Crown to escheat and wardship was ascertained. This class ceased soon after the accession of Chas. II when feudal tenure was abolished.' (Wood, Guide to P.R.O.I., p. 12).

A similar process was adopted regarding the second category, forfeited estates. The Chancery inquisitions and the Exchequer inquisitions are in Latin (mostly legal formulae) and should this present problems see Gooder, Latin for local historians (several reprints) and C. T. Martin, The Record interpreter.... (several reprints). Regarding the Exchequer inquisitions only the manuscript calendars survive but these are of great use. Alongwith the Exchequer inquisitions there may be deeds and wills concerning the lands upon which an inquisition was held. Before turning to the well known records of the mid - seventeenth century, I must mention two regional studies which show the complexity of pre-plantation land transactions:

1. Mary O' Dowd, Power, Politics and Land: early Modern Sligo, 1568 - 1688, Belfast, 1991.
2. Michael MacCarthy - Morrogh The Munster Plantation: English Migration to southern Ireland , 1583 - 1641, Oxford, 1986.
3. Brendan O' Bric 'Galway townsmen as the owners of land in Connacht, 1585 - 1641' (UCG M.A. thesis, 1974).
4. Mary O' Dowd, ' Land inheritance in early modern County Sligo' in Irish economic and social history vol. x, (1983), 5 - 18. The importance of the Irish genealogies are emphasised while the footnotes are helpful for sources for other counties.
5. Brian MacCuarta 'A planter's interaction with Gaelic culture: Sir Matthew De Renzy (1577 - 1634) in Irish economic and social history, xx (1993), pp 1 - 17.
6. K. W. Nicholls, Land, law and society in sixteenth-century Ireland (O'Donnell Lecture, 1976).

The Civil Survey
'The Civil Survey was an essential preliminary to the Cromwellian confiscation, and like Domesday Book was a stocktaking made by the conquerors with the help of the conquered. It was a survey by inquisition, not by mapped measurement, and was carried out in all counties of Ireland except five ( Clare, Galway, Mayo, Roscommon and Sligo) for which the Stafford Survey was available.' (Quoted from J.G Simms, 'The Civil Survey, 1654-56' Irish Historical Studies, ix, no. 35 (March,1955), pp 253-63).

Less than half of the Civil Survey survives the rest was burned in a fire of 1711. In fact what survives now are copies of part of an original set - the surviving original volumes were destroyed in the Four Courts fire in 1922. The provenance of the documents need not concern us too much at this stage, what is of greater importance is some knowledge of what the books contain. The surviving Civil Survey material has been published by the Irish Manuscripts Commission under the general editorship of the late R.C. Simington. Regrettably the Civil Survey material for King's County has not survived with the exception of a description of the barony boundaries published in The Civil Survey, 1654-56, vol. x: miscellanea ( Dublin, 1961), pp 25-38.

'The information given by the Civil Survey varies greatly for different areas. For example, the topographical and economic information given for Tipperary and Wexford is much richer than that given for the Ulster counties. The content of the survey of a barony evidently depended largely on the jurors, who are sometimes described as "the most able and ancient inhabitants" or "the most knowing and sufficient men" of the locality. We have the names of the jurors for Limerick, Tipperary, Muskery and the South Liberties of Cork. Most of them seen to have been Catholics and many belonged to landowning families: Gaelic names are well represented. The general scheme of the survey gives the boundaries of each barony and parish (often at great length with a wealth of local landmarks) with the following particulars for each townland : the 1640 proprietor, the name of the townland, the estimated area subdivided into arable, pasture, woodland, bog, etc., and the 1640 valuation. Notes are attached giving particulars of leases, mortgages and other charges, and also of churches, castles, houses, cabins, mills, fishing weirs, etc. In addition the survey contains much incidental information of an economic, topographical of even antiquarian character......(Simms, ibid., pp 257-8).

A general introduction to the Civil Survey by R.C. Simington will be found in all ten volumes published by the Irish Manuscripts Commission. Use should also be murder of R.C. Simington (ed.), The Transplantation to Connacht, 1654-58 (I.M.C.), Dublin, 1990). And see Raymond Gillespie 'A question of survival: the O' Farrells and Longford in the seventeenth century' in Longford: essays in county history, Gillispie and Moran (eds.) Dublin, 1991.

The Down Survey
In 1654 William Petty was appointed by the commonwealth government to map the forfeited lands set apart for the soldiers in twenty-two counties. Petty's Survey is known as the Down Survey because the measurements were mapped "down" (see the article by Sean O Domhnaill, 'The maps of the Down Survey' in Irish Historical Studies, iii, no. 12 (Sept. 1943), pp 381-95.

'The Civil Survey (a survey of all lands, forfeited and unforfeited), which was a survey by estimation and unmapped and which was immediately antecedent to the work of the Down Survey, provided Petty with particulars of the situation and estimated extent of the forfeited lands and the names of the forfeiting proprietors. All the abstracts of the Civil Survey, technically called terriers, were supplied to Petty's surveyors for their measurement and mapping... In the Civil Survey the parish was treated as a unit; in consequence, the map of the parish became the official map of the Down Survey...'

The land to be surveyed was measured by chain, and rough 'plotts' made. Lists or Terriers, often following closely the material contained in the Civil Survey sources were made out, which, for the parish, gave the names of the townlands within the parish, the area in Irish plantation measure of the forfeited townlands (distinguishing between profitable and unprofitable land), the names of the forfeiting proprietors , with in a great many cases, the name of the proprietors of unforfeited lands, the acreage of the forfeited estates and in some cases the acreage of those unforfeited..... All or much of the information contained in the terriers was displayed on the parish maps, which, in addition showed for the forfeited areas the townland division. For the unforfeited lands little or no detail was shown, but churches and castles were shown pictorially wherever they stood (O Domhnaill, ibid.).

The provenance of the Down Survey parish and barony maps now in use is as interesting as it is complicated. The official barony and parish maps of the survey were destroyed in the fires of 1711 and 1922. Copies of the maps saved after the 1711 fire were discovered in the office of a firm of solicitors, Messrs Reeves, in the 1930s and have since been transferred to the National Libary. These copies were made in 1786-7 by Daniel O'Brien, a surveyor. Photostat copies of the Reeves set of parish maps can be purchased from the National Library. The barony maps of the Hibernia Regnum set are available from the Ordnance Survey and contain almost as much detail as is in the parish maps which makes them extremely useful to the local historian.

So much for barony and parish maps: in 1685 Petty published an atlas of Ireland, Hiberniae Delineatio, showing the provinces and counties of Ireland and based on the Down Survey work. This atlas has been reprinted many times. The map of King's County is in fact the first known map of the county (maps of part of it were made in the 1560s in connection with the plantation). For further material on the Down Survey maps see Charles McNeill, 'Copies of the Down Survey maps in private keeping' in Anal. Hib., viii (1938), pp 419 - 30 and the note following it by R. C. Simington, ibid., pp 429 - 30. McNeill examined the King's County maps in the Reeves set in the hope of finding the 'missing' Geashill barony (not published) in Hibernia Regnum and consequently not available from the Ordnance Survey) but he was unaware that the entire barony of Geashill (perhaps with the exception of one townland) was owned by Lord Digby and not forfeited and therefore it was left unmapped.

The Books of Survey and Distribution
The Books of Survey and Distribution of which several sets have survived record 'Parish by parish, on facing pages the pre-Cromwellian and post-Cromwellian holders of all the lands confiscated by the commonwealth and of much of the adjacent unforfeited land' (A new history of Ireland, iii (1976), page 426). A very full introduction to the Books of Survey and Distribution will be found in any of the four volumes prepared by the I.M.C. - Roscommon, Mayo, Clare and Galway. Records survive for all counties and photostat copies are available in many county libraries. A published volume for Westmeath was prepared in the last century- John Charles Lyons, The book of survey and distribution of the estates in the county of Westmeath forfeited in the year MDCLII (Ledestown, 1852). This book is very rare and deserves reprinting.
Landownership in the Books of Survey and Distribution is recorded parish by parish and the usual format is as follows:

Left-hand side columns

1. The number of the plot in the Down Survey map
2. The proprietor in 1640 and his religion
3. Land denominations
4. Number of unprofitable acres by Down Survey
5. Number of profitable acres by Down Survey

Right-hand side columns

6. Number of profitable acres disposed of by the confiscation acts
7. To whom so disposed with the instrument of their title (indicated by a symbol - for the key see the introduction to the I.M.C. volumes)

The main sources for the left-hand side of the book are the Civil Survey and the Down Survey. Regarding the sources for the right-hand side of the book it was stated: 'Most of these derive their authority from the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, whereby not only royal confirmation was afforded of the titles gained by the Adventurers and Soldiers, under the Commonwealth legislation, but provision made for the restoration of former owners and the satisfaction of additional claimants and interests.' (Quotation from Books of Survey and Distribution, i, Roscommon, R. C. Simington (ed.) p. xiv).

In seventeenth-century Ireland land was the source of nearly all wealth. The change which took place in the distribution of landownership in the sixteenth and seventeenth century was on a vast scale. As was already noted in the period 1641 - 1703 the proportion of land in protestant ownership rose from 41 to 86 per cent. The Books of Survey and Distribution document almost all the changes which took place and hence their importance. L. J. Arnold's The restoration Land Settlement in County Dublin, 1660 - 1688 (Dublin, 1993) is a valuable working out of the intricacies of the Cromwellian and Restoration land transactions. For a discussion of the various sets of Books of Survey and Distribution see G. Tallon, 'Books of Survey and Distribution, Co. Westmeath: a comparative survey' in Analecta Hibernica, no. 28, (1978), pp 103 - 115. See also J. G. Simms, The Williamite confiscation in Ireland, 1690 - 1703 (London, 1956).

7. MISCELLANEOUS SOURCES

7.1 Wills: a good place to look for quick return in research terms is Vicars, Prerogative Wills to see what family members of the major families left a prerogative will
and also to look at course at the abstracts in the National Archive. Original wills and copy wills are valuable and are worth collecting because of the dearth of same in the National Archive following on the fire of 1922. See Rosemary ffolliott and Eileen O'Byrne 'Wills and administrations' in Donal F. Begley (ed.) Irish Genealogy: a record finder (Dublin, 1981), pp 157 - 80.

7.2 Trade Directories: Again, a valuable source and available from 1788 onwards. The Lucas Directory of 1788 is useful but it is not really until c. 1824 when one gets the first Pigot Directory that trade directories come into their own as a source for family history. After that major directories were published in 1846, 1856, 1870, 1884 and 1894. Thereafter a number of directories are published, the best known being Thom's. Thom's Directory, as I recall it, goes back to 1844 but it is really only in the mid - 1920's that it becomes extremely useful for the county town. See Rosemary ffolliott and Donal F. Begley 'Guide to Irish directories' in Donal F. Begley (ed.) ibid, pp 75 - 106.

7.3 Tombstone Records: These sources are valuable as a supplement to the Registry of Deeds, census records and church records. Again, the preparation of these records in a research base should help to promote family history.

Reviewing the situation so far, the combination of census records, mapping, valuation, estate records and trade directories will throw tremendous light on the histories of families in a particular area or your chosen family if the family were living in the same town over many years. As one would expect with any study there are a host of other sources that can be drawn upon for reference when one has hit the main items. I now want to look at some of these.

7.4 Register of Professional Persons: The Medical Register as I understand has been issued since about 1860 and is useful for UK and Irish medical families. See also pp 105 - 106 of Rosemary ffolliott's article on trade directories cited above.

7.5 Thom's Directories are available from about 1844 and are particularly good for Dublin and for county administration but not particularly good for local data of a trade directory type until the 1920s.

7.6 Registers of Lawyers: An annual directory of solicitors is published by the Incorporated Law Society. The I.M.C. publications are a most useful work for records of lawers - See Keane, Phair and Sadleir (eds.), Kings Inn admission papers, 1607 - 1867 (Dublin, 1982). See also T.C. Barnard 'Lawyers and the law in later seventeenth century Ireland' in Irish Historical Studies vol. xxviii , no 111 (May 1993), P.P. 256 - 282. The notes to this article will provide further research avenues for the interested reader. Researchers should also consult The Irish Jurist and the publications of the lately formed Irish Legal History Society.

7.7 Clerics: Apart for the work of Erck, Leslie and others (see ffolliott, ibid, pp 105 - 06) one can consult The Catholic Directory, Almanack and Registry from c. 1836 annually. See also recent publications such as Patrick J. Hamell Maynooth Students and Ordinations 1795 - 1895 and also his Maynooth Students and Ordinations 1895 - 1984 both Maynooth, 1984. John McEvoy has lately produced Carlow College, 1793 - 1993, the ordained students and the teaching staff of St. Patrick's College, Carlow (Carlow, 1993). A recently published update of the Cogan and Brady histories of the diocese of Meath contains new biographical material on Meath clergy prepared by Paul Connell. See Oliver Curran (ed.) - History of the diocese of Meath, 1860 -1993, 3 volumes Mullingar, 1995. For a reference to the Skehan index of clergy of the archdiocese of Cashel and Emly see Christy O'Dwyer 'The Skehan index of clergy; a revised edition' in Tipperary Historical Journal, 1993, p. 199. Kenneth Milne's 'The Church of Ireland: a critical bibliography, 1536 - 1992' in Irish Historical Studies volume xxviii, no. 112 (November, 1993) will direct the enquirer to the sources. Also useful for the smaller churches is James G. Ryan (ed.), Irish Church Records, their history, availability and use in family and local history research (Dublin, 1992).

7.8 School Records: certain boarding schools have published lists of boys and so on and these may be consulted for particular families. This is aside from the original school attendance records where presentation is at risk.

7.9 Church Registers and civil records: This class of records needs no introduction but again they need to be consulted. The civil records, in particular, will be useful from 1864 and the death registers, for example, can help in the difficulties of the first half of the nineteenth century. See the general guides to Irish genealogy such as Grenham (1992), Begley (ed. 1981) and Falley (1962) and Ryan (1988).

7.10 The Modern Domesday Book A starting point is the list of landowners of one acre and upwards listed in alphabetical order by county and published as a parliamentary paper (H.C., 1876 (422), lxxx, 122). Baltimore reprinted this volume in 1988. The return showed, for example, that King's County had 785 persons who owned one acre of land and upwards held 491,527 acres, 353 owners who held less than one acre owned 102 acres (presumably this category includes those who held small plots in towns) the remaining land in the county 1, 360 was estimated extent of waste lands.

A useful and perhaps more readily available reference work is U.H. Hussey de Burgh's The Landowners of Ireland (Dublin, 1878) and to a lesser extent John Bateman's The great landowners of Great Britain and Ireland (4th ed., 1883, reprinted, Leicester, 1971): see the review of Bateman in Irish Historical Studies, xviii, no 71 (March, 1973), pp 469-72.

It is important to read the introduction to the 1876 returns for details of those entitled to be entered as owner. Those with leases of less than 99 years were excluded.

Sources for family history needs to be kept under constant review. An annual bibliography would be a preliminary to a comprehensive updatable source guide.