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					  <title><![CDATA[Revealing a Private Inscription]]></title>
					  <link>http://www.offalyhistory.com/articles/45/1/Revealing-a-Private-Inscription/Page1.html</link>
					  <description><![CDATA[<h5><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Conleth Manning of the Office 
        of Public Works describes the discovery of and background to an Irish 
        inscription that gives insights into 16th-century society.<br/>
        "Archaeology Ireland" Vol.8, No.3, Issue no. 29</font></h5>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">When excavating at Clonmacnoise 
        a few years ago I visited the fine tower house at Coole near Ferbane in 
        the company of some members of the excavation team. We met the owner, 
        Jim Egan, who kindly gave us access to the interior, which he keeps locked. 
        In conversation he mentioned that a date could be seen high up within 
        the dark vaulted interior when the sun shone at a certain angle through 
        one of the windows. Returning sometime later we were able to see an inscription 
        above a fireplace on the second floor with the aid of a torch but were 
        unable to get close to it because the wooden floors had not survived. 
        The date 1575 was clearly visible but certainty regarding the remainder 
        of the inscription was impossible because of its inaccessibility. Subsequently, 
        through the courtesy of Mr. Egan, who borrowed an extending ladder for 
        me, I was able to get a rubbing of the inscription. It is in perfect condition, 
        having always had the protection of the stone vault above it, and reads 
        as follows: <b>SEAGHA MACOCHL DO TINDSCAIN O SEO SUAS *1575*</b></font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">With the contractions expanded, 
        the first two words read SEAGHAN MACOCHLAIN and the entire inscription 
        can be translated: "<b>John Mac Coghlan began from here up *1575*</b>".</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This man was the Mac Coghlan 
        of his day, Sir John Mac Coghlan, who died in the year 1590, an event 
        recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters as follows:<br/>
        "Mac Coghlan (John, son of Art, son of Cormac) died. There was not 
        a man of his property, of the race of Cormac Cas, who had better furnished 
        or more commodious courts, castles, and comfortable seats, than this John. 
        His son, John Oge, was appointed in his place." The Mac Coghlans 
        were the chiefs of Delbna Bethra or Delvin Mac Coghlan, a territory roughly 
        corresponding with the present barony of Garrycastle, Co. Offaly. We know 
        from other sources, including his will, that Sir John owned Coole Castle. 
        A second inscribed stone plaque also referring to him, this time in Latin, 
        was recorded by Lord Walter Fitzgerald at Lawrencetown, Co. Galway, in 
        1913. It must have been taken from one of the Mac Coghlan castles in Offaly 
        and was translated in its incomplete state as follows: "This tower 
        was built by the energy of Sir John Mac Coghlan, Knight, chief of his 
        sept, at the proper cost of Sabia O'Dallaghan, on the condition that she 
        should have it for her lifetime, and afterwards each of her sons according 
        to their seniority, with her...". This plaque is most likely to have 
        come from Coole Castle because, in his will, Sir John left Coole to his 
        wife "as long as she should live unmarried" but if she married 
        it was to be restored to her son John (Oge) Mac Coghlan, who in fact succeeded 
        his father as the Mac Coghlan. This Latin inscription could well have 
        been incorporated over the now missing doorway of the tower house or over 
        the gateway of the bawn if it had such a feature. I would be grateful 
        for information on the present whereabouts of this stone because the house 
        where it was in 1913 (Belview, Lawrencetown) has since been demolished 
        and I have not been able to trace it.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The background to this was 
        that Sabia ODallaghan was Mac Coghlan's second wife, whom he married while 
        his first wife (O'Molloy's daughter) was still alive and had apparently 
        borne him sons. Mathew de Renzy, writing scurrilously about the Mac Coghlans 
        in 1616, states that Sir John "growing weary of her (his first wife) 
        put her away and took the daughter of Hugh 0 Dalaghan from her owne marryed 
        husband, a gentleman of Connaght, and begott on her 9 or 10 bastards whereof 
        this Sir John (John Oge) is one". One can understand Sabia's concerns 
        in having the Latin inscription erected to act as a permanent record of 
        what could have been something like a prenuptial agreement. The tower 
        house has some fine decorated features, such as patterned dressing on 
        many of the quoin and jamb stones and five decorated ventilators. Two 
        of these are in the form of a triscele, one of which is surrounded by 
        a circle of interlacing. Two of the ventilators serve garderobes (toilets); 
        the remaining three serve other small mural chambers. One is tempted to 
        see the woman's touch in these fine decorative embellishments and in the 
        provision of two garderobes, the equivalent, in their day, of en suite 
        bathrooms.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The date on the new inscription 
        is not inconsistent with the building but the reason for carving it is 
        a puzzle. It would appear to indicate that the building operations were 
        interrupted and then resumed by Sir John in 1575. As there is no noticeable 
        change in the style of the masonry above the level of the inscription 
        the interruption would not appear to have been of any great duration. 
        The Annals of the Four Masters record an event which may have been responsible 
        for the cessation of work and this was the rebellion of the sons of the 
        Earl of Clanrickard in 1572 who actually went through Delvin Mac Coghlan 
        with their army. Matters remained unsettled in Ireland until the return 
        of Sir Henry Sidney as Lord Deputy in 1575, the same man who had knighted 
        Mac Coghlan in 1570. The likelihood of peaceful conditions may have prompted 
        Sir John to resume work on the tower house and record the event. It may 
        be significant that what was probably the more public inscription was 
        in Latin while the inscription in Irish was in a more private location 
        within the building. He had his gravestone carved in the following year 
        (the 19th year of Queen Elizabeth's reign) and this survives in the old 
        graveyard in Banagher. The inscription, which is in Latin, also records 
        that in that year the tribute payable to O'Melaghlin (the overlord of 
        Mac Coghlan) was suppressed, probably by Sidney who, according to the 
        Four Masters, was abolishing the exactions of lords and overlords in Munster 
        in the year 1576.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The carving of inscriptions 
        on tower houses and other buildings in Ireland became popular towards 
        the end of the 16th century and continued throughout much of the following 
        one. Often the inscription was carved on the lintel or arch stones of 
        a fire-place and in many cases it consists only of the initials of the 
        owner and his wife along with the date. This may only date the fireplace 
        and not the entire building, as at Barryscourt in Co. Cork. The inscription 
        at Coole is different from many of these in that it is not an integral 
        part of the fireplace and in fact dates the resumption of building work. 
        Mostly the inscriptions are in Latin. I have come across only one other 
        inscription in Irish on a building of this general period and that is 
        the plaque from the Mac Egan law school at Park, Co. Galway, dated 1627.</font></p> ]]></description>
					  <author>no@spam.com (Conleth Mannning)</author>
					  <pubDate>Sat, 01 Sep 2007 00:34:51 IST</pubDate>
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					  <title><![CDATA[The Earliest Plan at Clonmacnois]]></title>
					  <link>http://www.offalyhistory.com/articles/44/1/The-Earliest-Plan-at-Clonmacnois/Page1.html</link>
					  <description><![CDATA[<p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The earliest plan of the monastic 
        site at Clonmacnoise is an engraved bird's-eye view published in the second 
        edition of James Ware's De Hibernia et antiquitatibus eius disquisitiones 
        (London, 1658). To my knowledge it is reprinted here for the first time 
        since that date. I first learned of the existence of this plan in Fran&ccedil;oise 
        Henry's great three-volume work on Irish art and was amazed at the quality 
        of it when I consulted a copy of the book.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The first edition of this work, 
        published in London in 1654, contains less information than the second 
        edition and does not have this engraving. The better-known bird's-eye 
        view of St Patrick's Purgatory, Lough Derg, as well as a number of other 
        illustrations are in both editions.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The plan shows Clonmacnoise 
        viewed from the west, with the boundary wall of the graveyard on the same 
        line as today, apart from alterations made to the west boundary in the 
        1950s. The strange kick out in the wall at the bottom is the round tower 
        as misinterpreted by the engraver, who must have been working from an 
        original by someone else. The churches are shown more or less in their 
        correct positions relative to each other, though C should be further to 
        the north, while A and B should be more to the west. "Temple Finian" 
        (K), depicted with its round tower belfry and three churches (G, H and 
        I) which do not survive today, are shown also incorporated in the boundary. 
        All of the churches are identified by letter and this is the earliest 
        source for the names of the churches. Only two crosses are shown: the 
        Cross of the Scriptures in front of the Cathedral and another in the south-east 
        segment of the graveyard. Close to the latter is a small tomb-like feature. 
        This could be the tomb of an early thirteenth-century bishop of Clonmacnoise 
        called Murtogh O'Murry or Muiredach Ua Muirec&eacute;n which Bishop Anthony 
        Dopping described as being 'beyond the Cathedral on the east end' in 1664. 
        The fact that all the churches are depicted with roofs need not be taken 
        as evidence that all were roofed at this stage and certainly the aisles 
        depicted on the Cathedral and 'Temple Conor' are fanciful.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The inscription at the base 
        shows that the engraver was Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677) who also signed 
        the other full-page illustrations in both editions of the book. Hollar 
        is well known for illustrations of famous buildings in London and crowd 
        scenes such as the trial and execution of the Earl of Strafford. There 
        is a related sketch plan among the Ware manuscripts in the British Museum 
        (Additional MS 4784- I am grateful to Siobhan de h&Ograve;ir for this 
        reference). It is not the original for the engraving but both are likely 
        to be derived from a more complete original sketch.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The second oldest printed plan 
        of Clonmacnoise is in Harris's edition of the works of James Ware, first 
        published in 1739. As well as a plan, this large foldout engraving contains 
        views and elevations based on a survey and sketches by Jonas Blaymires. 
        Fortunately a letter from Blaymires to Harris, describing his work on 
        the site in 1738, has been published (JRSAI 11(1870), 256-8). It is worth 
        quoting here (right) at length as a commentary on the illustration and 
        because it is both amusing and evocative of the period.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Blaymires's plan is of great 
        interest in that it is much more accurate than the earlier bird's-eye 
        view but shows some of the same detail such as the three extra churches 
        and the east cross. The general view shows the couples of the roof of 
        Temple Kieran still surviving along with the east gable of the Cathedral. 
        Part of the roof of Temple Doolin, which then served as a Protestant parish 
        church, can be seen. Temple Kelly, of which only fragments of the base 
        of the wall survive today, is depicted as a substantial ruin. The chancel 
        arch of the Nun's Church is depicted with only its inner order intact 
        but precariously balanced. It remained thus until it fell in the middle 
        of the last century and was subsequently reconstructed by the Kilkenny 
        and South-east of Ireland Archaeological Society. All things considered, 
        Blaymires did produce a remarkable record of the site and we can forgive 
        him for boasting about it!</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Francoise Henry used the 1658 
        plan as evidence that the cross at Bealin, Co. Westmeath was originally 
        at Clonmacnoise. This is by no means certain and the east cross indicated 
        on these plans may be represented by one of the cross fragments known 
        from the site. Also, in an anonymous article in the 1951 number of the 
        Journal of the Ardagh and Clonmacnoise Antiquarian Society, it is argued 
        convincingly that Twyford, where the Bealin Cross formerly stood, was 
        the site of Iseal Chiar&aacute;in, a place mentioned in the Lives of St 
        Ciaran and in the annals. It may always have had this cross.</font></p> ]]></description>
					  <author>no@spam.com (Conleth Mannning)</author>
					  <pubDate>Sat, 01 Sep 2007 00:32:25 IST</pubDate>
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					  <title><![CDATA[The Very Earliest Plan at Clonmacnois]]></title>
					  <link>http://www.offalyhistory.com/articles/43/1/The-Very-Earliest-Plan-at-Clonmacnois/Page1.html</link>
					  <description><![CDATA[<h5><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Conleth Manning, Senior archaeologist 
        with the National Monuments and Historic Properties Service, continues 
        the search for the earliest documents dealing with Clonmacnoise.</font></h5>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In an article in Archaeology 
        Ireland some years ago (Vol. 8, No. 1) I described early published plans 
        of Clonmacnoise: (1) engraved by Hollar in the second edition of Sir James 
        Ware's Hibernia et antiquitatibus eius disquisitiones (1658) and (2) by 
        Blaymires in Harris's edition of Ware's works (1739). I referred in the 
        article to a manuscript plan among the Ware Manuscripts in the British 
        Library (Additional MS 4784) which, though related, was not the source 
        for Hollar's engraving, but at the time I was not aware of a more original 
        plan in the same collection. William O'Sullivan, having read my article, 
        was kind enough to inform me of its existence in Add. MS 4787 and of the 
        fact that the words Taken in Octob. 1621' are written on it. He added 
        the important information that it is in Ware's hand but is likely to be 
        a copy of a plan perhaps prepared for James Ussher when the latter was 
        exploring his new diocese of Meath in the year of his appointment as bishop. 
        In the Established Church, Clonmacnoise had been united with Meath since 
        1569.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The plan is here published, 
        I think, for the first time. I qualify this because in the last article 
        I claimed that Hollar's engraving was there published for the first time 
        since 1658, only to discover subsequently that a version of it appeared 
        in the translated edition of Ware's works (1705) and again in a Latin 
        edition published in the nineteenth century. There can be no doubt that 
        the original plan of 1621, of which the plan here reproduced is probably 
        a reasonable copy, is the ultimate source of Hollar's engraving of 1658, 
        and that therefore the information in that engraving, with certain provisos, 
        refers to the year 1621 and not to the 1650s. The main caveat regarding 
        the 1658 plan is that the three-dimensional depiction the churches complete 
        with roofs is fanciful. Ussher, in a report on the diocese of Meath dated 
        28 May 1622, recorded ten churches in the graveyard of Clonmacnoise, of 
        which only two were in reasonably good repair. Which two these were he 
        does not say. They may or may not be the same two recorded by Bishop Dopping 
        as being roofed in 1684: 'Temple Keran' and 'Temple Hurpan'. The cathedral 
        was repaired in 1647 but had again become ruined by 1684.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The manuscript plan is a sketch 
        of the graveyard at Clonmacnoise with its churches crosses and enclosing 
        wall. The churches are identified by letters, referring to a list at the 
        bottom of the page. Figures indicate the length in feet of different stretches 
        of the polygonal enclosing wall, the length of "Temple Finin" 
        and 'Temple Killeene', the length and breadth of 'Temple Kelly' (34ft 
        x 24ft) and possibly the depth (l6ft) of the vaulted sanctuary of the 
        cathedral or 'Temple McDermot'. Three crosses are marked: the Cross of 
        the Scripture very prominently, the South Cross, and a further cross, 
        only faintly marked, to the south east. Near the latter is a small rectangular 
        feature which might be the tomb of an early thirteenth-century bishop, 
        referred to specifically in the 1684 account by Dopping The North Cross, 
        of which only the shaft survives, was presumably overlooked. In the south-east 
        corner of the graveyard a rectangular building is shown with cross-hatching. 
        The foundations of this late medieval domestic structure are still visible 
        and Blaymires identified it as 'The residentiary house of the Dean, Archdeacon 
        etc.' Entrances are shown in the enclosing wall facing north, south, east 
        and west; those to the west and south are shown as gaps, but the other 
        two are depicted as arched openings. Similar arch symbols are used to 
        indicate the famous north door of the cathedral and the south door of 
        'Temple Finin', which must have been complete at that time.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">A note in Latin in the top 
        right-hand corner refers to the fact that the see was united with Meath 
        in the 11th year of Elizabeth (1569). Below the bottom right-hand corner 
        of the sketch are the words 'Taken in Octob. [corrected from 'about August'] 
        1621'. A crease, fold or stretch-mark in the paper, running horizontally 
        across the page, causes a line of distortion affecting the enclosing wall 
        at each side and 'Temple Rey' and 'Temple Keran'.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Hollar's engraving of 1658 
        contains most of the information in the manuscript plan but he converted 
        it into a bird's-eye view and showed all the churches roofed. He mistook 
        the depiction of the round tower in the sketch-plan for a strange protrusion 
        in the enclosing wall. The south cross and the residential building got 
        overlooked along the way, and presumably the measurements were deliberately 
        omitted. The sketch is reasonably accurate with regard to the relative 
        proportions and positions of the churches, whereas the engraving places 
        'Temple Keran' and 'Temple Rey' too far from the others and 'Temple Conner' 
        too close. The care taken with the original sketch allows us to conclude 
        that what we now call Temple Hurpan, attached to the east end of Temple 
        Dowling, did not exist in 1621. It is, however, clearly shown in Blaymires's 
        plan of 1738 and therefore must date from the intervening period.</font></p>
      <p><font face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This plan is an important document, 
        more authentic and reliable in every way than Hollar's print and much 
        closer to the original of 1621. It further pushes back the age of the 
        enclosing wall of the graveyard and provides additional evidence for the 
        east cross, last shown by Blaymires in 1738, and the tomb-like feature 
        beside it which Blaymires does not show. It must be among the earliest 
        surviving antiquarian plans of an Irish site.</font></p> ]]></description>
					  <author>no@spam.com (Conleth Mannning)</author>
					  <pubDate>Sat, 01 Sep 2007 00:29:47 IST</pubDate>
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